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THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 




HENRY VIII 
From the painting in the National Portrait Gallery 



Emery Walker, Photo 



THE 

YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

A NARRATIVE IN CONTEMPORARY LETTERS 

BY 

FRANK ARTHUR MUMBY 

AUTHOR OF 
"THE GIRLHOOD OF QUEEN ELIZABETH," ETC 



BOSTON & NEW YORK 
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 

19*3 



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9 



Xv 



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INTRODUCTION 

Although " The Youth of Henry VIII.," like its 
companion volume, " The Girlhood of Queen Eliza- 
beth," may be left to stand alone, and read as a 
separate memoir, it forms an integral part of the 
series in which I hope eventually to illustrate the 
whole history of England by what James Howell 
describes as " the more gentle and familiar way " of 
letters. " Nothing," says Swift, " is so capable of 
giving a true account of history as letters are, which 
describe actions while they are alive and breathing, 
whereas all other relations are of actions past and 
dead." Ruskin is still more emphatic when he 
declares, in the same connexion, that " the only 
history worth reading is that written at the time of 
which it treats, the history of what was done and 
seen, out of the mouths of men who did and saw." 
Ruskin, of course, was exaggerating but his exaggera- 
tion was intended merely to accentuate the truth. 
My object is, therefore, to link together the essential 
letters of historic importance and the intimate corre- 
spondence of more domestic interest, so as to form a 
living record of each chapter in our country's story. 
The books will not attempt to pass judgment on 
controverted topics, but will endeavour always to 
allow each side to state its case in its own words, 
leaving the reader as far as possible to judge for 
himself. Historical documents, as someone has said, 
are very like the letters of the alphabet ; they can be 
arranged and shuffled according to the point of view 
of any writer, whatever his prejudices may be. My 
own design is simply to arrive at the facts, and let the 
facts speak for themselves. As in the companion 
volume, the spelling has been modernised — for I am 



vi INTRODUCTION 

appealing not only to the student who is without 
access to these documents in their original form, 
but also to the general reader, to whom the text of 
most of them will be new — and translations have 
been made, where necessary, from other tongues. 
Some explanation is, perhaps, due for the delay in 
bringing out the present volume. The generous 
reception, both in this country and in the United States, 
of my " Girlhood of Queen Elizabeth " encouraged me 
to extend the scope of the series and prepare the 
groundwork for the whole scheme, but I now hope, 
with the help of other workers in the same field of 
research, to issue the volumes more frequently. 

The youth of Henry VIII., here dealt with, is the 
least known period of that monarch's career, the 
" thorny subject" of the divorce exercising the minds 
of most historians to the exclusion of the first and 
fairer phase of Henry's life. Side by side with the 
King's own story is that of Catherine of Arragon in 
the troubled days of her girlhood and widowhood, 
and in the early years of her marriage with her 
royal brother-in-law, before the tragedy of the divorce 
wrecked her short-lived happiness. Among other 
events may be traced the rise of Wolsey ; the pro- 
gress of Henry's French campaign, with the Battle of 
the Spurs, and the capture of Terouanne and Tournay ; 
the greater victory of Flodden Field during his 
absence ; and the romantic love affair between his 
younger sister Mary and his favourite, the Duke of 
Suffolk, the reckless course of which is followed in 
their own letters. I have not attempted to mention 
all the books consulted, or other sources explored for 
documentary evidence while the volume was in pro- 
gress, but a list is given of the principal works from 
which the letters themselves have been selected. 

I have to thank the Controller of His Majesty's 
Stationery Office again for permission to print 
the letters chosen from the Calendars of State 
Papers, the Rolls Series, and the Reports of the 
Historical Manuscripts Commission. To the Navy 



INTRODUCTION vii 

Records Society I am indebted for the selection from 
M. Spont's " Letters and Papers relating to the War 
with France, 1512 — 15 13," published by that Society in 
1897 ; and to Mr. F. Morgan Nichols for permission 
to reproduce a number of the letters from his admir- 
able edition of " The Epistles of Erasmus," in English, 
published by Messrs. Longmans. The portraits are 
from contemporary paintings in various public and 
private collections. That of Prince Arthur, elder son 
of Henry VII., is in the Royal collection at Windsor 
Castle, and is reproduced by permission of the Lord 
Chamberlain. The portraits of Mary Tudor and 
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, I owe to the 
courtesy of the Earl of Yarborough, who furnished 
me with the photograph of the painting by Mabuse, 
which is in his possession. The likeness of Henry VIII. 
as an infant is also included through the kindness of 
the owner of the original painting, Lady Verney, who, 
as the scholarly editor of " The Verney Memoirs," 
is known to have much sympathy with the telling of 
history through letters. 



FRANK A. MUMBY. 



FlNCHLEY, 

January 1, 191 3. 



CALENDARS OF STATE PAPERS AND 
OTHER COLLECTIONS FROM WHICH 
LETTERS HAVE BEEN SELECTED 



Calendar of State Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of 
Henry VIII. Vols. I. and IV. Edited by J. S. Brewer. 1862— 
1870. 

Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers relating to the 
Negotiations between England and Spain. Vols. I. and II. 
and supplementary volume. Edited by G. A. Bergenroth. 
1862— 1868. 

Calendar of State Papers relating to English Affairs preserved in 
the Archives of Venice. Vols. I. and II. Edited by Rawdon 
Brown. 1864 — 1867. 

Calendar of State Papers relating to Scotland. Vol. I. Edited by 
Markham J. Thorpe. 1858. 

Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland. Vol. I. Edited by 
H. Claude Hamilton, i860. 

" Report on Duke of Rutland's MSS. at Belvoir Castle." Vol. I. 
Historical MSS. Commission. 1883. 

" Report on the Marquess of Salisbury's MSS. at Hatfield." Vol. I. 
Historical MSS. Commission. 1883. 

Letters and Papers illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III. and 
Henry VII. Vol. II. Edited by James Gairdner. Rolls 
Series. 1863. 

" Memorials of Henry VII." Edited by James Gairdner. Rolls 
Series. 1858, 

Ellis's " Original Letters." Three series. 1824, 1827, 1846. 

" The Epistles of Erasmus." Translated by F. Morgan Nichols. 
Vols. I. and II. 1904. 

" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies." Mary Everett Wood 
(Mrs. Everett Green). 3 vols. 1846. 

" Letters of the Kings of England." Halliwell-Phillipps. 2 vols. 
1846. 

" Life and Reign of Henry VIII." Lord Herbert of Cherbury. 

Hall's " Chronicle." Edited by H. Ellis. 1809. 

" Lettres de Louis XII." Vol. IV. 



STAJE PAPERS AND OTHER SOURCES 

Letters and Papers relating to the War with France in 15 12 — 15 13." 
Edited by Alfred Spont. Navy Records Society. 1897. 

Correspondance de Maximilien et de Marguerite d'Autriche." 
2 vols. 1839. 

Four years at the Court of Henry VIII." Sebastian Giustinian. 
Translated by Rawdon Brown. 2 vols. 1854. 

Court and Society from Elizabeth to Anne." William Drogo 
Montagu, 7th Duke of Manchester. 2 vols. 1864. 

History of the Life and Times of Wolsey." Joseph Grove. 
1742— 1744. 

Life of Wolsey." John Gait. 3rd edition. 1846. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction ........ v — vii 

Calendars of State Papers and Other Collections 

from which Letters have been selected . . ix— x 

List of Illustrations ....... xv 

CHAPTER I 

A YOUNGER SON (149I — 1502) 

Why Prince Henry became Duke of York — High Offices of a 
Royal Infant — The Tudor Policy — A Future Archbishop 
— His Scholarly Education — Erasmus's Visit to the 
Royal Nursery — Henry and his learned Grandmother — 
Erasmus's Account of English Scholarship — Catherine of 
Arragon betrothed to Henry's Brother — Latin Love-letters 
— Spain and the Upstart Tudors — Catherine's Girlhood 
— Her Voyage to England — First Meetings with 
Bridegroom and Henry — Married to Prince Arthur — 
The Question of Consummation — Catherine's Position after 
Marriage — Puebla's Double-dealing — Henry VII. and 
Catherine's Property — Death of Prince Arthur . 1 — 25 

CHAPTER II 

HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES (l502 — 1507) 

First Proposal to Marry Henry to Catherine — Rival Advances 
from France — Isabella's Strategy — Ferdinand's Fears of 
French Designs — Dona Elvira Manuel's Testimony — 
Henry Succeeds as Prince of Wales — Tortuous Negotia- 
tions for his Betrothal — Puebla's Shady Character — Death 
of Elizabeth of York — Rumour Concerning Henry VII. 
and Catherine — Isabella Demands her Return unless 
Betrothed to Prince Henry — Treaty of Marriage Signed — 
Ferdinand and the Papal Dispensation — Catherine and 
the Prince at Court — Julius II. sends the Brief to Isabella 
on her Death-bed — Catherine Deserted — Henry's secret 
Protest Against his Betrothal — Pitiful Position of 
Catherine — The Visit of Philip and Juana — Catherine 
Appeals to her Father — Death of the King of Castile — 
Its Effect on Catherine's Position — Erasmus Renews 
Acquaintance with Prince Henry .... 26 — 67 



xii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER III 

LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII. (1507 — 1509) 

PAGE 

Ferdinand's Empty Sympathy — Catherine's Share in 
Henry VII. 's Proposal to Marry her Mad Sister — 
Catherine's Increasing Poverty — Her New Confessor — 
More about Henry VII. 's Matrimonial Schemes — 
Catherine Prevented from Seeing Prince Henry — 
Henry VII. Renounces Marriage Treaty owing to Non- 
payment of Marriage Portion — Catherine Begs her Father 
to Send it — Ferdinand Appoints her his Ambassador — 
She again describes her Pitiful Situation — Warns her 
Father Against Henry VII. and Puebla — Her own Gifts 
of Dissimulation — She Writes to Juana of Castile on 
Behalf of Henry VII. — Ferdinand's Attitude in the 
Matter — Rumours of Rival Candidates for Prince Henry's 
Hand — English Designs on Castile — The Conference of 
Cambrai — Fuensalida becomes Ambassador in England — 
Ferdinand's Threatening Attitude — Grave Condition of 
Henry VII. — Disorders in Catherine's Household — Her 
Relations with her Confessor — Her Defence — Desperate 
Condition — Death of Henry VII 68 — 120 

CHAPTER IV 

THE NEW KING (1509 — 1512) 

Henry VIII. Ready to Marry Catherine — Archbishop 
Warham's Objection — Ferdinand's Advice and Con- 
dolence — Continued Friction Between Catherine and 
Fuensalida — Ferdinand's Threat — Contrast Between 
Henry VII. and Henry VIII. — Catherine and the New 
King's Private Marriage — Erasmus Invited to England 
" to behold this New and Auspicious Star " — Henry's 
Letters to Margaret of Savoy and his Father-in-Law — 
Catherine's Triumph — England as Ferdinand's New 
Kingdom — Henry Agrees to Support Spain against France 
— His Reception of the French Ambassador — Champions 
the Cause of Venice — His Sports and Pastimes — Birth and 
Death of his Son — Expeditions to Spain and Flanders — 
Rise of Wolsey — Henry Enters the Holy League — Urges 
Maximilian to Join — A Diplomatist's Life in London — 
Henry Sends an Army to Combine with the Spaniards 
against France — His Call to Arms — French Proclamation 
— How Ferdinand Used Henry's Troops — English Army 
becomes Demoralized and Returns of its own Accord — 
Henry's Resolve to Wipe out the Disgrace . . 121 — 158 

CHAPTER V 

WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND (1513) 

Henry's Eagerness for Fresh Campaign — Wolsey's Genius 
for Organization — English Domestic Life — Preparations 



CONTENTS xiii 

PAGE 

for War in England and France — James IV. Sides with 
France — Sir Edward Howard's Fatal Fight with Pregent 
— Lord Thomas Howard Succeeds his Brother — Fer- 
dinand's Treacherous Truce with France — Henry Sails 
with his Invading Army — Catherine Appointed Governor 
in his Absence — Henry's Army Marches to the Front — 
Catherine's Anxiety — James IV. Unmasks — Catherine's 
Preparations for War — Battle of the Spurs — Catherine's 
Congratulations — Flodden Field — Erasmus and the 
Battle — Fate of the Franco-Scottish Fleet — Catherine's 
Trophy of Victory — James's Neglected Remains — 
Henry's Visit to Margaret at Lille — Surrender of Tournay 
— Brian Tuke's Summary of Events — Charles Brandon 
and Margaret of Savoy — Henry's Share in their Flirtation 
— Elizabeth Blount — Henry's Return — Replies to Pope's 
Proposals for Peace — Border Warfare — Rewards for 
Flodden — England's Increasing Influence . . 159 — 235 

CHAPTER VI 

PLOT AND COUNTER-PLOT (1514) 

Ferdinand's Fears of England's Growing Power — Quintana's 
Treacherous Mission — Margaret Tries to Preserve Maxi- 
milian's Loyalty — Henry Deserted by his Allies — His Rage 
— Refuses Loan to Maximilian — Emperor's Old Offer of 
Imperial Crown — Leo X. Sends Henry Sword and Cap 
of Maintenance — Investiture at St. Paul's — Henry Repays 
his Betrayers in their own Coin — Burning of Brighton — 
Proposed Marriage between Louis XII. and Princess Mary 
— Henry's fresh Hopes of an Heir — State of Ireland — 
Scotland — Henry's new Ship — His Horses — Sends Present 
in Return to Marquis of Mantua — Henry's Negotiations 
with the Duke of Longueville — Mary Betrothed to Louis 
of France — She Writes to Him — Their Marriage by 
Proxy — Ferdinand Blames Maximilian — Maximilian and 
Margaret Blame Henry — Henry's Retort — Margaret's 
" Secret Matters " — The French King's Longing — Assas- 
sination of Cardinal Bainbridge — Bishop of Worcester 
Accused and Pronounced Innocent — Wolsey Succeeds as 
Archbishop of York — Henry's Tribute to his Merits — ■ 
Wolsey Aims at the Cardinalate .... 236 — 281 

CHAPTER VII 

HENRY AND HIS SISTERS (1514 — 1515) 

Mary's Departure for France — Her Stormy Crossing — How 
Louis XII. Received Her — State Entry into Abbeville — 
Wedding Festivities — Mary's English Attendants Dis- 
missed — Her Grief Assuaged by Precious Stones — ■ 
Suffolk Received by the French King — Worcester's 
Interview with Louis — Proposals to Drive Ferdinand 
from Navarre and Castile — Affairs in Scotland — Margaret 
Marries Angus — Arran Heads Revolt — Duke of Albany's 



xiv CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Call to Scotland — English Achievements in the Paris 
Jousts — Margaret Appeals to her Brother — Risk of 
French Interference in Scotland — Henry's Disappointed 
Hopes of an Heir — First Rumours of Divorce — Peter 
Martyr's Uncorroborated Story — Spanish Ambassador 
and Queen Catherine — He Begs Ferdinand to put a 
Bridle on Henry — Death of Louis XII. . . . 282 — 306 

CHAPTER VIII 

THE SECRET MARRIAGE (1515) 

A New Situation — Wolsey's Masterful Manner — His Advice 
to the Widowed Mary — Her Perilous Position in Paris — 
She Reminds Henry of his " Waterside Promise " — 
Suffolk sent with new Embassy to Paris — His Pledge 
before leaving — Henry and the Crisis in Scotland — 
Suitors for Mary's Hand — Suffolk's Reception by Francis 
— Mystery of his Marriage — Suffolk's Confession to Wolsey 
— Wolsey's Reply — Mary takes Blame upon Herself — 
Struggle for her Dowry, Plate and Jewels — Suffolk's 
Mission a Failure — New Treaty between England and 
France — Second Marriage of Mary and Suffolk in Paris 
— The " Mirror of Naples " — Return of the Culprits — 
Suffolk's Last Appeal — Reconciliation with Henry — 
Publicly Married at Greenwich — The Marriage Settle- 
ment — Sebastian Giustinian's Journey to London — 
His Interview with Francis I. — Pen Portraits of the 
King — Royal May Day at Shooter's Hill — Catherine 
and the King ...... . 307 — 350 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



Henry VIII. From the Painting in the National 

Portrait Gallery . . . . . Frontispiece 

Henry VIII. as a Child. From the Painting in 

the Collection of Lady Verney, at Rhianva, pa ge 

Anglesey Facing 14 

Prince Arthur, Eldest Son of Henry VII, 
About 1502. From the Painting in the Royal 
Collection, Windsor Castle . . . . . ,,24 

Henry VII. Painted in 1505 by an unknown 

Flemish artist. National Portrait Gallery . . „ 100 

Cardinal Wolsey. From the drawing attributed 
to Jacques le Bcucq of Artois in the Library of 
the town of Arras „ 144 

Catherine of Arragon, about 15 15. From the 

Painting in the National Portrait Gallery . . „ 206 

Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scotland. From the 

Painting in the National Portrait Gallery . . „ 300 

Mary Tudor, Queen Dowager of France, and 
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. From 
the Painting by Mabuse, in the Collection of the 
Earl of Yarborough . , „ 334 



THE 

YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

CHAPTER I 

A YOUNGER SON (149I 1502) 

Why Prince Henry became Duke of York — High Offices of a Royal 
Infant — The Tudor Policy — A Future Archbishop — His 
Scholarly Education — Erasmus's Visit to the Royal Nursery — 
Henry and his learned Grandmother — Erasmus's Account of 
English Scholarship — Catherine of Arragon betrothed to 
Henry's Brother — Latin Love-letters — Spain and the Upstart 
Tudors — Catherine's Girlhood — Her Voyage to England — 
First Meetings with Bridegroom and Henry — Married to Prince 
Arthur — The Question of Consummation — Catherine's Position 
after Marriage — Puebla's Double-dealing — Henry VII. and 
Catherine's Property — Death of Prince Arthur. 

The unimportance of being a younger son is obvious as 
soon as we begin to search contemporary documents for 
references to the childhood of Henry VIII. Only a dim 
light, a glimpse here and there of a lusty and somewhat 
precocious youngster, is thrown on his early boyhood. It is 
not until he is well into his eleventh year that he emerges 
from this shadowy background, thrust by the tragic death of 
his brother Arthur, Prince of Wales, to the proud position 
of heir to a throne which no longer seemed insecure. 
Although young Henry's position had meanwhile been one 
of comparative insignificance, he had already played a useful, 
if involuntary, part in statecraft and diplomacy. The year 
1491, which witnessed his birth at Greenwich Palace (on 
June 28) also brought to light in Ireland the most threaten- 
ing plot with which Henry VII. had been confronted since 
fighting his way to the throne through Bosworth Field. 
This was the Perkin Warbeck conspiracy, which cast its 

Y.H. B 



2 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

shadow over England for a number of anxious years. The 
birth of a younger son to Henry VII. furnished the King with 
a useful opportunity not only of offering a sop to Yorkist 
prejudice, but also of repudiating by implication the false 
claim to the title of Duke of York set up by Perkin Warbeck 
and his powerful patrons. Thus was little Prince Henry, in 
November, 1494, created Duke of York amid the pomp and 
pageantry which already characterised the house of Tudor in 
its ceremonial moods. This was the origin of the custom 
of conferring the title of Duke of York upon the second son 
of the English sovereign, or of the heir-apparent, a custom 
handed down to our present King. 

The new Duke, though little more than three years old, also 
played a profitable, if passive, part in other great affairs of 
State. Six weeks before receiving his new title he was 
appointed Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, with Sir Edward 
Poynings as his able deputy ; and he had been nominal 
Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of Dover Castle 
since he was between nine and ten months old. Among 
other dignities crowded upon him in his infancy were those of 
Earl Marshal and Warden of the Scottish Marches, in 
addition to which he was created a Knight of the Bath and 
admitted to the Order of the Garter, being invested with 
the last of these honours on May 17, 1495, a few weeks 
before his fourth birthday. There is more to be said for the 
wisdom of Henry VII. in appointing a child to so many high 
offices than may appear at first sight. It was always the 
Tudor policy not only to reign, but to rule, and Henry VII. 
found it expedient to concentrate as many as possible of 
these great administrative posts round his own person, rather 
than fill them as of old with nobles whose increase of power 
and wealth thereby might not always make for the safety of 
his throne. Deputies of a lower rank filled the posts just as 
efficiently as the nobles. Besides, there was the further 
advantage of adding a number of substantial incomes to the 
royal purse, an advantage which no monarch was ever 
quicker to appreciate than the King who could make even 
rebellions pay more than their own expenses. 

According to Lord Herbert of Cherbury the future 
Henry VIII. during the life of his elder brother was 



A YOUNGER SON 3 

intended for the Archbishopric of Canterbury, " the prudent 
King his father choosing this as the most cheap and glorious 
way of bestowing of a younger son." Whatever end his 
father had in view for him at this time he saw that Prince 
Henry, like his other surviving children, reaped the full 
advantage of the higher education of the day. In this the 
King was guided as much by the scholarly influence of his 
mother, the " Venerable Margaret," as by his own inclination. 
Like most of the Tudors, young Henry was fond of learning, 
and proved an apt pupil. He mastered Latin and French, 
understood Italian, and, besides an early aptitude for 
theology and mathematics, displayed even in his boyhood 
that taste and proficiency in music which eventually made 
him an excellent performer on the organ, the lute and the 
harpsichord, as well as a composer of no mean order. Our 
earliest intimate glimpse of him is furnished by Erasmus, 
who paid his first visit to England in 1499 as the guest and 
travelling companion of his pupil, William Blount, Lord 
Mountjoy, afterwards, as Erasmus himself describes him, 
" more friendly than munificent." It was in the summer of 
1499 that Mountjoy was chosen by the King as companion 
and mentor of the young Duke of York, then living at 
Eltham Palace, which was used at this period as a sort of 
nursery for all the royal children, with the exception of 
Arthur, now in his thirteenth year, who lived, as was then 
expected of the Prince of Wales, at his residence on the 
Welsh border. 

With the Duke of York were his two sisters, Margaret — 
his senior by nineteen months and destined by her marriage 
to James IV. of Scotland to be the ancestress of the royal 
house of Great Britain — and Mary, some five years his 
junior, whose lot it was to become the Queen of the worn-out 
Louis XII. of France, and almost immediately after his 
death, the wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. Happily 
their young minds were as yet untroubled by these vast and 
weighty matters. The glimpse supplied by Erasmus of the 
royal household as he saw it on the occasion of his visit 
with Mountjoy in 1499 is worth preserving, if only for its 
agreeable contrast to the pictures which have to follow of 
their later years, when Margaret, Henry, and Mary were all 

B 2 



4 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

mixed up in the complicated affairs of England, Scotland, 
and France. 

I was staying at Lord Mountjoy's country house 
(writes Erasmus) when Thomas More came to see 
me, and took me out with him for a walk as far as 
the next village, where all the King's children, except 
Prince Arthur, who was then the eldest son, were 
being educated. When we came into the hall, the 
attendants not only of the palace but also of 
Mountjoy's household were all assembled. In the 
midst stood Prince Henry, then nine years old, and 
having already something of royalty in his demeanour, 
in which there was a certain dignity combined with 
singular courtesy. On his right was Margaret, about 
eleven years of age, afterwards married to James, 
King of Scots, and on his left played Mary, a child of 
four. Edmund was an infant in arms. 1 More, with 
his companion Arnold, after paying his respects to 
the boy Henry, presented him with some writing. 
For my part, not having expected anything of the 
sort, I had nothing to offer, but promised that on 
another occasion I would in some way declare my 
duty towards him. Meantime I was angry with More 
for not having warned me, especially as the boy sent 
me a little note, while we were at dinner, to challenge 
something from my pen. I went home, and in the 
Muses' spite, from whom I had been so long divorced, 
finished the poem within three days. 2 

This was the poem entitled " Prosopopoeia Britannise," 
which Erasmus sent with a dedicatory letter to the Prince, 
the conclusion of which runs as follows : 

We have for the present dedicated these verses, 
like a gift of playthings, to your childhood, and shall 
be ready with more abundant offerings, when your 

1 Prince Edmund, the third son and fifth child of Henry VII., 
died in the following year (1500). 

2 From Erasmus's " Catalogue of Lucubrations," apparently 
written in 1523 ; here printed from " The Epistles of Erasmus," 
translated by F. Morgan Nichols, Vol. I. 



A YOUNGER SON 5 

virtues, growing with your age, shall supply more 
abundant material for poetry. I would add my 
exhortation to that end, were it not that you are of 
your own accord already, as they say, under way with 
all sails set, and have with you Skelton, that incom- 
parable light and ornament of British Letters, who 
can not only kindle your studies, but bring them to a 
happy conclusion. Farewell, and may good letters 
be illustrated by your splendour, protected by your 
authority, and fostered by your liberality. 1 

Skelton, who had long been Poet- Laureate, and recently 
admitted to orders, remained the most distinguished of 
Henry's tutors. The Prince's studies, as we have already 
mentioned, were jealously watched over by the King's 
mother, the Lady Margaret Beaufort, Countess^of Richmond, 
whose favourite grandchild he is said to have been. That 
he owed something of his scholarship to her own enthusiasm 
for letters we know from a memorial to her nephew Sir John 
St. John in the parish church at Bletsoe, which bears an 
inscription stating that Sir John was educated by Lady 
Margaret, together with her grandson Prince Henry. It was 
the dawn of the Renaissance in England, and Henry VIII. 
was our first Sovereign to be taught under its influence. 
Erasmus provides us with a sketch of the state of learning 
in England at the time when Henry VIII. was studying 
under Skelton, who has himself commemorated that fact in 
the lines beginning with : 

The honour of England I learned to spelle 
In dignity royal that doth excelle, 
I gave him drink of the sugred welle 
Of Helicon's waters crystalline, 
Acquainting him with the Muses nine. 

Erasmus, to return to his account of the state of learning 
in England at the close of the fifteenth century, spent two 
or three months at Oxford during his first visit to this 
country, but returned in December to Lord Mountjoy, 
with whom he probably remained until his departure for 
the continent in the following month. We suspect, with 
Mr. Nichols, that the following letter to Robert Fisher which 

1 " Epistles of Erasmus," translated by F. Morgan Nichols, Vol. I. 



6 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

was forwarded to its destination by means of Mountjoy him- 
self, was intended as much for the eyes of his host as for 
those to whom it was addressed : 

ERASMUS TO ROBERT FISHER. 

[" The Epistles of Erasmus," translated by F. Morgan Nichols, 

Vol. I.] 

London, December 5, 1499. 



. . . Yq|i would have seen me in Italy before this 
time, if my Lord Mountjoy, when I was prepared for 
the journey, had not carried me off to England. 
Whither indeed would I not follow a young man so 
courteous, so amiable ? I would follow him, by 
heaven, to the grave itself. You had amply sounded 
his praises, %nd described him like a picture ; but he 
daily surpa^es both your praises and the opinion I 
had myself formed of him. 

" But how do you like our England ? " you will 
say. Believe me, my Robert, when I answer that 
I never liked anything so much before. I find the 
climate both pleasant and wholesome ; and I have 
met with so much kindness, and so much learning, 
not hackneyed and trivial, but deep, accurate, ancient, 
Latin and Greek, that but for the curiosity of seeing 
it, I do not now so much care for Italy. When I 
hear my Colet, I seem to be listening to Plato him- 
self. In Grocin who does not marvel at such a 
perfect round of learning ? What can be more acute, 
profound, and delicate than the judgment of Linacre ? 
What has Nature ever created more gentle, more 
sweet, more happy than the genius of Thomas More ? 
I need not go through the list. It is marvellous how 
general and abundant is the harvest of ancient learn- 
ing in this country, to which you ought all the sooner 
to return. 

At this time ardent love-letters were passing between 
Henry's future wife, Catherine of Arragon, and his elder 

1 Robert Fisher had been a fellow pupil with Mountjoy under 
Erasmus in Paris, and was now acting as English agent in Italy. 
He died early in 15 12, after receiving various church preferments. 
Wolsey received his vacant stall at Windsor. 



A YOUNGER SON 7 

brother Arthur, to whom she was then betrothed ; and it is 
to this diplomatic courtship and its sad sequel that our 
attention must now turn. The Prince of Wales and 
Catherine — nine months his senior — had already been 
married by proxy, more than once, and Henry VII., eager 
to secure the prize for which he had so long been bargaining, 
grew impatient for the coming of the bride herself. But 
the final marriage treaty was not even yet ratified. Twelve 
years had passed since Henry first negotiated with Ferdinand 
of Arragon and Isabella of Castile for this marriage, and it 
is no part of our present purpose to recapitulate all the 
moves and counter-moves in the Machiavellian strategy 
which characterised both sides of the game. Henry VII. 
and Ferdinand of Arragon were well matched in this form 
of statecraft. Although the Spanish King seems to have 
had the best of the bargain when he succeeded in drawing 
England into the league against France, by means of a 
betrothal which he knew quite well could be dissolved if 
necessary before it had gone too far, yet the alliance 
had also helped Henry both to prove that England had 
regained some of her influence in European politics, 
and to safeguard his position at home. " The very treaty 
itself," as Bacon says, " gave abroad in the world a 
reputation of a straight conjunction and amity between 
them, which served on both sides to many purposes that 
their several affairs required, and yet they continued still 
free." 

Eager as was Henry VII. to make sure of his future 
daughter-in-law and her dowry, Ferdinand and Isabella 
were equally ready with their excuses for keeping her back, 
even after the second marriage by proxy, which took place 
at Bewdley Chapel on May 19, 1499. Meantime the couple 
seem to have maintained a courtship by correspondence 
which, since both of them were young, and neither of them 
understood the native tongue of the other, was carried on 
in Latin with the help of their respective tutors and 
governors. In the following letter from Prince Arthur to 
his " dearest spouse," written when he was little more than 
thirteen, it is not difficult to see that his eloquent strains 
and tender longings were the dictated messages of older and 



8 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

wilier minds, rather than the tender promptings of his own 
young heart : 

PRINCE ARTHUR TO CATHERINE OF ARRAGON. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

Ludlow Castle, October 5, 1499. 

Most illustrious and most excellent lady, my dearest 
spouse, I wish you very much health, with my hearty 
commendation. 

I have read the most sweet letters of your Highness 
lately given to me, from which I have easily perceived 
your most entire love to me. Truly those your letters, 
traced by your own hand, have so delighted me, and 
have rendered me so cheerful and jocund, that I 
fancied I beheld your Highness and conversed with 
and embraced my dearest wife. I cannot tell you 
what an earnest desire I feel to see your Highness, 
and how vexatious to me is this procrastination about 
your coming. I owe eternal thanks to your excellence 
that you so lovingly correspond to this my so ardent 
love. Let it continue, I entreat, as it has begun ; 
and, like as I cherish your sweet remembrance night 
and day, so do you preserve my name ever fresh in 
your breast. And let your coming to me be hastened, 
that instead of being absent we may be present with 
each other, and the love conceived between us and 
the wished-for joys may reap their proper fruit. 

Moreover I have done as your illustrious Highness 
enjoined me, that is to say, in commending you to 
the most serene lord and lady the King and Queen my 
parents, and in declaring your filial regard towards 
them, which to them was most pleasing to hear, 
especially from my lips. I also beseech your Highness 
that it may please you to exercise a similar good 
office for me, and to commend me with hearty good 
will to my most serene lord and lady your parents ; 
for I greatly value, venerate, and esteem them, even 
as though they were my own, and wish them all 
happiness and prosperity. 

May your Highness be ever fortunate and happy, 



A YOUNGER SON g 

and be kept safe and joyful, and let me know it often 
and speedily by your letters, which will be to me most 
joyous. — Your Highness' loving spouse, Arthur, 
Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, &c. Eldest 
son of the King, 

Two more years were to elapse before the Prince of Wales 
was to see his affianced bride, although Ferdinand and 
Isabella had apparently made up their minds to part with 
Catherine shortly after the foregoing love-letter was written. 
The execution, in 1499, of the young Earl of Warwick, the 
last of the Plantagenets in the male line, and Perkin War- 
beck, however unjust the sentence may have been in 
Warwick's case, left Henry VII. in a much stronger position 
as an ally than in the early days of the marriage negotiations, 
when the Spanish ambassadors, haggling with the English 
councillors over the amount of the prospective bride's dowry, 
did not hesitate to hint at the insecurity of such an upstart 
dynasty as that of the Tudors. " Bearing in mind what 
happens every day to the Kings of England," they declared, 
" it is surprising that Ferdinand and Isabella should dare to 
give their daughter at all." That was in July, 1488, as may be 
seen in Puebla's letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, printed in 
the Spanish Calendar for that year. On January n, 1500, 
the same ambassadors wrote to the Spanish Sovereigns : 
" England has never been so tranquil as at present. There 
have always been pretenders to the crown of England, but 
now that Perkin Warbeck, and the son of the Duke of 
Clarence, have been executed, there does not remain a drop 
of doubtful royal blood, the only royal blood being the 
blood of the King, the Queen, and above all of the Prince 
of Wales." Henry, indeed, was now beginning to hold 
that balance of power between Spain and France which was 
to play such a predominating part in European history 
throughout the coming century. Realising something of the 
strength of England's new position, the Spanish Sovereigns 
made a definite promise to Henry at the beginning of 1500 
that they would send Catherine to England in the following 
spring, without waiting, as previously promised, for the 
fourteenth birthday of the Prince of Wales. Then, however, 
further obstacles cropped up, and the summer of 1500 arrived 



io THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

without producing anything but fresh wrangles between the 
Spanish ambassadors and the English councillors over various 
points in the agreements, until it seemed, to quote from 
Puebla's despatch of June 16, " as if they would never come 
to an end." A false alarm that Henry, by his unexpected 
interview at Calais with the Archduke Philip, Ferdinand's 
treacherous son-in-law, was considering a rival matrimonial 
offer from Maximilian, made the Spanish Sovereigns again 
more cordial in their correspondence. At length, after 
Henry had agreed to the postponement of Catherine's 
voyage until the following year, and Prince Arthur had 
once more performed the ceremony of marriage by proxy — 
this time at Ludlow — the bride bade a last farewell to her 
parents in the Alhambra, the palace of the conquered Moors 
which had been her romantic home since the crusading days 
of her early childhood, when she lived with her heroic 
mother for years in the Spanish camp before beleaguered 
Granada. Here she had grown up under the rigid discipline 
of a religious war, and in a Court in which she had been 
taught to accept everything as coming by Divine appoint- 
ment. She was in her sixteenth year when, on May 21, 
1501, she left for England — a rather striking girl, with rich 
auburn hair, and somewhat statuesque features, marred by 
an austerity which prevented her from ever being beautiful. 
Eight days after leaving Granada her father sent the follow- 
ing letter of instructions to Roderigo Gondesalvi de Puebla, 
the disreputable doctor of civil and canon law who acted 
as his resident ambassador in London : 

FERDINAND II. AND ISABELLA TO DOCTOR DE PUEBLA. 
[" Memorials of Henry VII.," Rolls Series.] 

Granada, May 29, 1501. 

As you already know, among the points agreed 
upon between us and the King of England, our 
brother, is that within twelve days after the Princess 
of Wales, our daughter, shall (if the Lord so will) 
have landed in that kingdom, the espousals are to be 
celebrated and the marriage concluded between her 
and the Prince of Wales, our son. Likewise, that 
ten days before or after the solemnization of such 



A YOUNGER SON n 

marriage, the Princess, our daughter, has to receive 
in dowry from the King of England, our brother, and 
the Prince of Wales, our son, a third part of the 
principality of Wales and of the Duchy of Cornwall 
and of the county of Chester, giving her in good 
townships and lordships the third part of the rents of 
the whole. Act in such wise that these two matters 
be accomplished according to time and conditions 
established. And since you know what we have 
written touching this third part, and what was in 
the first negotiation agreed upon, endeavour to the 
utmost of your power that this be done as is befitting 
the Princess of Wales, our daughter, and in such 
manner as she suffer no want. The hundred 
thousand crowns of the first instalment of the dowry, 
let our ambassadors aforesaid retain for the purpose 
of remitting to whomsoever the said King, our 
brother, may name to them. Take heed that the 
letter of payment of the same be given to us, and let 
the Prince of Wales hold it as is needful. 

You already know how it has been settled that the 
jewels and gold and silver which our daughter, the 
Princess of Wales aforesaid, takes with her, to 
the value of twenty thousand crowns in jewels and 
fifteen thousand crowns in gold and silver, are to be 
received on account, and as part payment of dowry 
in first instalment ; and we still do wish them to be 
received on account in this first payment or in the 
second. Yet as it does not appear to you that this 
should be asked by you, endeavour to get some persons 
nominated, who, in accordance with the terms of 
agreement may, under oath, estimate the said jewels, 
and weigh and value the gold and silver, in presence 
of Jean de Diero, chamberlain of the Princess of 
Wales, our daughter, who accompanies and takes 
charge of everything for her, and send us for the 
whole, receipts from the King of England and the 
Prince of Wales, our son, whereby they acknowledge 
to have received the same in payment of the dowry 
aforesaid on account of the last instalment. 



12 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Already we have written to you about the persons 
who are going hither to remain : and besides these, 
there will be Pero Manrique, husband of the noble 
dame who goes as lady of honour to the Princess 
of Wales, our daughter. Transmitted herewith is a 
list of said persons, wherefrom you will see the office 
which each one fills, in order to convey intimation 
thereof to the King, our brother, and to the Prince of 
Wales, our son. Touching the matter of remunera- 
tion, endeavour that they treat them well, in such 
wise that they be enabled to maintain themselves in 
comfort ; and in all this business act with diligence 
and caution. Since we confide wholly in you, strive 
that all be done as beseems the Princess of Wales, 
our daughter, . . . and this is a matter wherein you 
will render us great service. 

It took Catherine nearly two months to travel from 
Granada to the harbour of Corunna, where the Spanish 
ships were waiting to conduct her to her new home ; but 
several more weeks had to elapse before she finally set sail, 
on August 17, for the foreign shores of England and the 
bridegroom she had never seen. We need not dwell on the 
misadventures of her voyage, or of the joyous welcome 
which awaited her at Plymouth some two months later — 
" she could not have been received with greater rejoicings," 
wrote the licentiate Alcares to Queen Isabella, " if she had 
been the Saviour of the world " ; or of that strange meeting 
halfway to London, when the semi-oriental seclusion in 
which she was being kept by the Spanish prelates and 
nobles accompanying her was broken down by her impetuous 
father-in-law, so that he could see Catherine for himself and 
introduce her blushing young bridegroom ; or of her entry 
into the capital on November 12, when, as Henry VII. 
said in his enthusiastic letter on the subject to Ferdinand 
and Isabella, she was " accompanied by such a multitude of 
prelates, high dignitaries, nobles and knights, and with the 
acclamation of such masses of people as never before had 
been seen in England." 

These are scenes which again bring to the front the 



A YOUNGER SON 13 

significant figure of the young Duke of York, as stalwart 
and vigorous for his age as the more debonair bridegroom- 
elect was slim and delicate. Henry had first seen Catherine 
near Kingston-on-Thames, when, accompanied by the Duke 
of Buckingham and between three and four hundred gentle- 
men and men-at-arms, he met her on her progress to the 
capital; and on the following morning "right honourably 
conducted to her lodging at Lambeth." 1 Here she had 
remained until the triumphant entry into the city, when he 
again rode by her side — a fine, strapping boy, though not 
much more than ten, with features already moulded to the 
shape which Holbein's portraits of him in later life have 
made so familiar. The picture of Henry VIII. as a child 
is ridiculously like those painted in his prime. The 
characteristic jowl, and peculiar setting of the eyes, show 
in a remarkable way how, in physiognomy at least, the 
royal child was the father of the man. They must have 
made a striking pair, this dashing young Prince and the 
bride-elect, as they rode side by side through the crowded, 
decorated streets of the city, in the midst of a procession 
which for magnificence had rarely been equalled in England 
before. Catherine herself, Spanish fashion, was mounted 
on a mule, seated in a saddle which the official chronicler 
describes as like a small arm-chair, and richly ornamented. 
She was dressed, to the Londoners' delight, in the picturesque 
apparel of her native land, with a large round hat shaped 
like a cardinal's, and tied with a lace of gold. Under the 
hat was a carnation-coloured coif, and her wealth of auburn 
hair was allowed to stream over her shoulders. 

Two days later came the long anticipated wedding at 
St. Paul's, amid scenes of matchless pomp and splendour. 
Here, again, the Duke of York, gaily dressed in white velvet 
and gold, acted as escort to the bride, who, like the bride- 
groom himself, was attired in white satin. No one in all 
the glittering throng which filled St. Paul's could have 
imagined that this boy of ten was destined to succeed his 
brother not only as heir to the throne, but also as husband 
of the bride whom he was now escorting up the nave to the 
scarlet-covered platform on which Prince Arthur and his 

1 Herald's account in Grose's " Antiquarian Repository," Vol. II. 



i 4 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

knights were anxiously awaiting them. After the ceremony 
it was Henry's duty also, while the Prince of Wales remained 
behind to complete the act of settlement, to conduct his 
sister-in-law to the Bishop of London's palace, where the 
wedding feast was held, with its inevitable accompaniment 
of jousting and dancing. Here, at the end of this long, 
eventful day, the bride and bridegroom were conducted to 
their nuptial chamber, where they were put to bed in state, 
this ceremony including the blessing of the bed by the 
Bishops and prelates there present, " after the congruent 
usage and custom in marriages of persons of noble blood," 
to quote from the official account of the proceedings. 
Finally, according to the same authority, the bride and 
bridegroom were refreshed with wine and spices, and left ; 
" and thus these worthy persons concluded and consummated the 
effect and complement of the sacrament of matrimony.'" It is 
significant that the sentence in italics has been at some time 
obliterated from the manuscript, and afterwards restored. 
This is pointed out by Grose, in his " Antiquarian 
Repository," in printing the complete narrative from the 
original in the College of Arms. The official account was 
evidently written by an officer of arms, probably by order of 
Henry VII. Grose suggests that it was tampered with 
during the judicial preliminaries to the subsequent marriage 
of Henry VIII. and Catherine, and again at a still later 
period in connexion with their divorce. Against other 
evidence produced at the trial to prove consummation must 
be placed the testimony of Dona Elvira Manuel, Catherine's 
principal lady-in-waiting (see p. 28), and of Catherine herself 
who, when the divorce proceedings were pending, nearly 
thirty years later, stoutly and unreservedly maintained that 
she was a virgin widow at the time of her marriage with 
Henry VIII. — " et che da lui restb intact a et incorrupta, come 
venne dot ventre di sua madre" — and that her previous marriage 
was therefore canonically null and void. 1 There is no record, 
that Henry ever openly disputed this. 

So much depends on the evidence connected with this 
crucial period that we are forced also to repeat the story told 

1 Catherine's statement to Campeggio. State Papers, Henry VIII., 
Vol. IV., Part II., p. 2109. 




HENRY VIII AS A CHILD 
FroiD the painting in the collection of Lady Verney at Rhianva, Anglesey 



A YOUNGER SON 15 

at the same time to the effect that on the morning after the 
marriage with Arthur, the Prince called from his nuptial 
chamber to his attendants for a cup of ale, and remarked, 
among other indelicacies which are solemnly recorded in 
the State Papers: " Masters, it is a good pastime to have a 
wife." 1 To modern ears some of these remarks sound the 
more unseemly from the lips of the knightly Arthur, yet they 
were only in keeping with the coarser manners of his time. 
Possibly they were merely puerile pieces of empty swagger, 
and might well be left to oblivion, but for the fact that when 
Henry VIII. came to seek his divorce from Catherine many 
years later, one of the leading questions was whether this 
first marriage had been consummated or not. 

The wedding festivities — to return to this year of grace 
1501 — were by no means over when the bride and bride- 
groom were conducted by Henry VII. on the morning after 
the ceremony to their palace at Baynard's Castle, but these 
have been described so fully elsewhere, with their pageants 
and jousts and feasting and mumming, that they need no 
more than a passing reference to the scene after the great 
banquet in Westminster Hall on the following Thursday, 
when Catherine and one of her ladies performed some stately 
Spanish dances, and the Duke of York delighted everyone 
with his livelier display of English dancing, with his elder 
sister Margaret as partner. So much was this last per- 
formance appreciated that it was repeated, whereupon young 
Henry, according to the official chronicler already quoted, 
"suddenly threw off his robe, and danced in his jacket with 
the said Lady Margaret in so goodly and pleasant a manner 
that it was to King Henry and Queen Elizabeth great and 
singular pleasure." 

The Prince of Wales also contributed his share to the 
dancing programme, though not with his bride, who was 
doubtless as unfamiliar with the English step as he was with 
the slower Spanish movements. Arthur danced instead with 
his aunt, the Princess Cicely, their performance, like the rest, 
constituting a separate turn, watched by the whole Court. The 
festivities over, most of the lords and ladies of Spain were pre- 
sented with gifts of plate by Henry VII., and returned home. 
1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. IV., Part II., p. 2109. 



16 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Towards the end of the honeymoon (on November 30, 
to be exact), the Prince of Wales wrote a dutiful and 
enthusiastic letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, promising to 
be a good husband to their daughter. He had never felt 
so much joy in his life, he told them, as when he beheld 
the sweet face of his bride. No woman in the world, he 
added, could be more agreeable to him. 1 

This was written from Richmond Palace, whither the 
newly-married pair had moved from Baynard's Castle. 
Two days previously Henry VII. had received the first 
instalment of 100,000 scudos, or crowns, from the Spanish 
commissioners towards the bride's dowry, and had written 
to her parents to say how much he had admired her beauty, 
as well as her dignified and agreeable manners. "They 
may be sure that she has found a second father who will 
ever watch over her happiness and never permit her to want 
anything that he can procure for her." 2 Yet he was soon 
embroiled in a sordid dispute over the remaining part of her 
dowry, partly due, no doubt, to the double-dealing of the 
crafty Puebla, the facts of which are set forth in the follow- 
ing letter from Bishop Ayala, the Doctor's colleague and 
inveterate enemy : 

DON PEDRO DE AYALA TO QUEEN ISABELLA. 
[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

End of December, 1501. 

Very high and mighty Queen our sovereign lady. 

When the feasts were over, and the Spaniards, as 
well as the English, had returned to their houses, the 
King pleased to occupy himself with looking after 
his interests. He asked Johan de Cuero to deliver 
to him the jewels and plate which, the Doctor had 
said, he had been ordered to give as part of the last 
instalment. He answered that he had not to deliver 
them, but to weigh and to value them, to ask a receipt 
for them, as he hitherto had done. It seems that 
some altercations took place on this subject. Mean- 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I. 

2 Ibid., November 28, 1501. 



A YOUNGER SON 17 

while, as the will of the King was not done, and he 
thought he had received an affront, having asked (the 
jewels and plate) before the time they were due, he 
was somewhat ashamed, and having continued these 
negotiations during a fortnight, he came to the room 
of the senora Princess, where he said to her, in the 
presence of Dona Elvira Manuel and me, the following 
words : " Senora, my daughter, I have no doubt that 
you know that I asked from your keeper of the ward- 
robe certain plate and jewels, worth so many thousand 
ducats, which I have to receive as part of the third 
instalment on account, towards the 200,000 scudos 
of your dowry. I wish you to know why and for 
what reasons I asked them. One day before I saw 
you on the road where you were betrothed, the Doctor 
de Puebla came to me, and said : l Senor, in order 
that you may know how much I take care of your 
interests, you shall see what I have done and obtained 
from my sovereign Lords. You will learn by this 
letter from their Highnesses that the five-and-thirty 
thousand ducats which you have to receive in pearls, 
jewels, gold, silver, and tapestry on account of the 
last instalment, are without delay to be delivered 
to you.' " 

This letter he read to him, and it contained what 
he had said. He was very glad to hear this. When 
the feasts were over he (Puebla) again asked him if 
he would like to receive the said jewels, and, not 
having any reason to refuse them, he answered that 
he would. He called the said keeper of the ward- 
robe, who, however, when they came to the point, 
told him that the jewels and plate were to be valued 
and weighed, and that he was to receive a receipt for 
their value, but that they were to remain in the keep- 
ing of the said keeper of the wardrobe. When he 
[Henry] was astonished that he was expected to give 
a receipt for what he had not received, he (Puebla) 
said to him : " Sefior, keep my secret, and I will tell 
you the reason why I, your servant, have arranged 
this. If your Majesty will accept my advice, I promise 

Y.H. C 



18 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

you to conduct the affairs in such a manner that the 
senora Princess shall remain in the possession of all 
her jewels, plate, and tapestry, and my sovereign 
Lords nevertheless fulfil the obligations to you which 
I have imposed on them in case that these jewels be 
not accepted. The manner is the following: If the 
Princess uses all this now, and you afterwards refuse 
to accept it, my sovereign Lords will be ashamed to 
take from her what she has already used as her own 
on her person as well as in her household. They 
must then leave it to her, and fulfil their obliga- 
tions towards you. I have already spoken with the 
Princess, and won her over on my side, so that it 
may be done as I have said." 

" Senora," added Henry, " although I know that, if 
it is done as he says, it would be advantageous to you 
and to me, and although it could thus be arranged that 
your parents give you these things for your use with- 
out counting them, nevertheless I am not inclined to 
obtain [any advantage] by such means. I am exceed- 
ingly sorry that I have asked for the jewels in question, 
but the reason was that which I have stated and 
nothing else. I see now that there is a crafty design, 
and I shall not consent that it be attributed to me. 
I shall be content with what the treaties stipulate, 
and do not ask, nor shall I ever ask, anything else, 
especially as I could not do it even if I would, because 
these jewels form part of the last instalment. I beg 
you to write to the King and the Queen all I have said 
to you, as you hear it, and [to tell them] that I have 
not, nor should on any account, have proffered the 
demand without being instigated and animated by the 
Doctor, who told me that he had arranged and settled 
it in that manner, but now says that, having read once 
more the letter of the King and the Queen, he must 
confess that they order him to ask the said receipt 
and yet leave [the jewels] in the keeping of Johan de 
Cuero ; and I cannot but think that it has been an 
artful trick of his, and that he has given their High- 
nesses to understand something which is not true, 



A YOUNGER SON 19 

just as he has deceived me and you in order to involve 
us continually in difficulties. It seems to me a great 
breach of trust to say such things to his Sovereigns and 
to you and to me. I beg you, Senora, my daughter, 
and you, Dona Elvira, as well as you, Don Pedro, to 
inform their Highnesses of the truth, because I should 
not like to be held for a person who asks what is due 
to me before the time. God be praised, I am not in 
want, and, if it were necessary, I could for love of 
them and of you, my senora daughter, spend a million 
of gold without contracting a debt." 

He was evidently much ashamed that he had asked 
that the said things be delivered to him, and that his 
demand was refused. He is afraid to be thought a 
miser. In such a disposition of mind he left the 
Princess that day. 

Next day, having called me into his presence, he 
told me that he was very uneasy, because it was 
necessary to send the Prince to Wales, and his council 
and the council of the Prince entertained different 
opinions. Some said that it would be good for the 
Princess to go to Wales, and others said No, and 
each of them supported their opinions by such good 
reasons that he did not know what to do. He asked 
my advice. What I answered was, that I thought it 
much better that the Princess should not go, for that 
would be preferable in many respects, and especially 
because the Prince and the Princess would more easily 
bear being separated and [their abstinence from] 
intercourse if she remained with him and the Queen, 
who could alleviate her sorrow for being separated 
from the Prince, a thing which it would be much more 
difficult to bear if she were to live in his house in 
Wales, adding many other reasons which the King 
himself had given me only a few days before for 
retaining the Princess during the next two years near 
his person. 

The following day he [the King] himself spoke with 
the Princess, and told her the same he had said to me, 
viz., that it was necessary that the Prince should go 

c 2 



20 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

to Wales, and what difference of opinion existed 
amongst his councillors, adding that he would not 
determine either in the one way or the other, but 
that he would do only what she wished. Her answer 
was, that neither in this nor in any other respect had 
she any other will than his, and that she would be 
content with what he decided. He replied that he 
asked her not to leave the decision to him, because, 
although wishing to be agreeable to her, he might, 
nevertheless, determine on what would give her 
annoyance. She repeated her first answer. 

This indecision continued four days, during which 
he caused the Prince to use his influence with the 
Princess, and persuade her to say that she preferred 
rather to go than to stay, and, as she refused to say 
it, the King, making show of great sorrow, decided 
that she should go to Wales, although nothing in the 
world he regretted more. She went on the evening 
before . . - 1 her departure nothing was provided for 
the household of the Princess, except that it was 
determined how many Spanish servants she was to 
have. As Dona Elvira, it seems, had already often- 
times spoken with the Doctor, who had told her that 
he had settled how much the senora Princess was to 
have for the sustenance of her household, as well as 
for every one of her male and female servants, and 
that the King had made great offers to the said Dona 
Elvira, she asked him 2 to state what had been decided. 
When he heard this he was much surprised, and said 
that such a demand was an entirely new thing to him, 
for until then nothing had been mentioned to him 
about it, and it was the custom in this country for 
husbands to give to their wives all they wanted, which 
the Prince, his son, would do, according to his rank, 
and as his honour required. He would never consent, 
he said, that she and her servants were otherwise 
treated than very liberally. Adding some other 
reasons, he dismissed this subject. The following 

1 Paper gone. 

2 Him seems to mean the King. 



A YOUNGER SON 21 

day the Doctor went to see the King, who, it seems, 
spoke by no means friendly words to him, asking him 
why he had behaved so artfully in all those affairs 
which had been negotiated, saying and promising, 
according to what Dona Elvira had told him, more 
than really had been settled in the treaties. He 
answered that his Highness ought not to believe that 
he had spoken or written anything but what was con- 
tained in the treaties, and all that Dona Elvira and 
the Princess and other persons asked or were speak- 
ing of were at the request and persuasion of Don 
Pedro. The King replied that he did not believe it, 
but knew that with no good intention he purposed to 
involve your Highnesses and him in difficulties, adding 
other words by no means flattering. This passed in 
the presence of the council. 

The departure of the Prince and Princess was fixed, 
and took place on Tuesday, December 21, in order 
to pass the holidays forty miles from here. Of all 
that, after their departure, has happened, and will 
happen, they will inform your Highness from there. 

I wish now to tell your Highness what I have 
heard and believe, and what I have done concerning 
this business. With respect to the jewels, the King 
would like that, as they were offered him, they 
be given and delivered to him, and that according 
to what I believe, and from unmistakable signs 
conclude, all or the greater part of them, or their 
equivalent, should be given to him, because he has 
received the very greatest pleasure from all your 
Highnesses have done, and above all, since he knows 
what a person the Senora is, he considers himself a 
fortunate man. As he always hoped that these (the 
jewels, &c.) were to be delivered to him, he never 
provided so much as a pin for the Princess ; but he is 
much ashamed that he has asked and met with a 
refusal, and that he has neglected to do that which 
he has left undone, because he had that hope. It is 
believed that best will exists here to acquire all that 
can be got, and as he has already been told that, if 



22 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

the Princess uses all the things which she takes with 
her, your Highness will find it difficult to order after- 
wards that they may be taken from her, and delivered 
to him as part payment of what is due to him, he has 
decided that she shall go to Wales, because then she 
would be obliged to use all she takes with her. 

On my part, as I have heard something of this, it 
has not been neglected to advise that as much as it 
can be avoided these things should not be used. For 
it is certain that there has been no other reason of 
any weight for her journey, which is very contrary to 
the wishes of the King in other respects. I, on my 
part, and Dona Elvira on hers, have told the King 
that we believe that your Highnesses, knowing the 
tender age of the Prince, would rather be pleased 
than dissatisfied if they for some time did not live 
together. He answered to this observation, that he 
was astonished to hear it, for one of the reasons 
which had induced him to do it had been because one 
of the principal personages whom your Highnesses 
had sent with the Princess to serve her had spoken to 
him, and asked him, in the name of your Highnesses, 
as a man who knows your intentions, that on no 
account in the world should he separate them, but 
send her with her husband, and that if that were not 
done your Highnesses would be dissatisfied, and she, 
he knows, would be in despair. Being much pressed, 
he had to confess that Alexander had told him this, 
with the approval and according to the advice of the 
Doctor. 

His intention, for no other can be found, is to 
procure her an occasion to use the said things, in 
consequence of her journey, and thus by what he 
ordered to attain his ends. Although I ought not to 
have the boldness to state in this or in any other case 
my humble opinion to your Highnesses, nevertheless, 
hoping that the goodwill with which I state it will be 
acceptable to you, I shall say that, if it is determined 
that that which is here is to be given on account 
of the 200,000 scudos, it would be good to order that 



A YOUNGER SON 23 

it be delivered immediately, because I think it would 
serve two purposes, viz., firstly, that it would not be 
refused, and, secondly, that it would now be more highly 
valued than afterwards, and I do not doubt it would 
produce so good an effect that the King would give it 
back to her ; but if it were delayed, and not delivered 
to him until the last instalment, in such a case I 
believe he would delay to assign anything to her, 
because she has everything she wants as well for her 
own service as for that of the Prince, to whom he has 
also given nothing at all wherewith to furnish his 
house, nor any table service, nor does he intend to 
give, but, on the contrary, he has ordered that they 
live together and take their meals together, so that he 
must use the things of the Princess. With respect to 
this subject I know no other motive that could be 
alleged. 

I think your Highness knows already that nothing 
has been assigned for her household, and much less 
have the salaries and pensions for her servants and 
officers been provided, but they all will manage to live 
as well as the revenues of the Prince permit. I do 
not think that your Highness has believed that this 
was to be the case, for if it were you would have to 
provide her annually with what she wants. If I am 
right, your Highnesses must immediately take steps 
that what is due to her be also settled on her, for if 
that is not done at the beginning it will be difficult 
afterwards. The Senora Princess has several times 
ordered me to enter into negotiations about such 
similar subjects, but I have not obeyed her orders in 
this, because I have no power from your Highness. 

Something of disillusionment must have already crept 
into Catherine's soul as she set out with her boy-husband on 
that fateful journey to their miniature court on the Welsh 
borders, conscious that she was in the meshes of a plot to 
obtain possession of her property. Shortly after their 
departure, Henry VII. wrote a letter to Ferdinand and 
Isabella, which Dr. Gairdner declares, in the " Dictionary 



24 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

of National Biography,'' was distinctly intended to convey a 
false impression as to the true relationship existing between 
the newly-married pair, but which, according to the Duke of 
Manchester, who printed the document for the first time in 
his " Court and Society " (1864), furnishes incontestible 
proof that the English King at least believed in the 
consummation of the marriage : 

HENRY VII. TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 

[" Court and Society from Elizabeth to Anne," Vol. I.] 

Richmond, February 20, 1502. 

To the most serene and most puissant Prince and 
Princess, the Lord and Lady Ferdinando and Isabel, 
by the grace of God King and Queen of Castile, 
Leon, Arragon, Sicily, Grenada, &c, our well-beloved 
kinsfolk and cousins, we Henry by the same grace, 
King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, 
send greeting and ever-increasing good fortune. 

That we might observe the ancient customs of our 
realm, we recently despatched into Wales the most 
illustrious Arthur and Catherine, our common children. 
For though the opinions of many were adverse to this 
course by reason of the tender age of our son, yet 
were we unwilling to allow the Prince and Princess to 
be separated at any distance from each other. Thus 
much we wished to show unto you by this our letter, 
that you may understand our excessive love which we 
bear towards the most illustrious Lady Catherine, 
our common daughter, even to the danger of our 
own son. 

But the said most illustrious lady has with her a 
venerable man, Alexander Geraldine, her principal 
chaplain, for whom we have the greatest regard, 
partly by reason of his virtues, shown unto us in 
many ways, partly because he has been the said 
lady's preceptor, and for a long time your Majesties' 
servant, and we doubt not that he will, in his letters, 
give a true report unto your Majesties of the well- 
being and tranquility, as well of ourselves and our 




W. E. Gray, Photo 
PRINCE ARTHUR, ELDEST SON OF HENRY VII. About 1502 
From the painting in the Royal Collection, Windsor Castle 



A YOUNGER SON 25 

realm, as of the most illustrious lady his own 
mistress. Wherefore we shall not at present write at 
greater length. 

It is useless to speculate as to what might have happened 
to the' whole course of English history had Arthur lived long 
enough at least to spoil Henry's prospects of ever ascending 
the throne. On April 2, less than six months after the 
wedding which had taken so many toilsome years to 
negotiate, death intervened in favour of the younger son, the 
Prince of Wales dying unexpectedly at Ludlow Castle. His 
death was due, apparently, to the sweating sickness, then 
one of the direst scourges of the country. 



CHAPTER II 

HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES (l502 I5O7) 

First Proposal to Marry Henry to Catherine — Rival Advances from 
France — Isabella's Strategy — Ferdinand's Fears of French 
Designs — Dona Elvira Manuel's Testimony — Henry Succeeds 
as Prince of Wales — Tortuous Negotiations for his Betrothal — 
Puebla's Shady Character — Death of Elizabeth of York — 
Rumour Concerning Henry VII. and Catherine — Isabella 
Demands her Return unless Betrothed to Prince Henry — 
Treaty of Marriage Signed — Ferdinand and the Papal Dis- 
pensation — Catherine and the Prince at Court — Julius II. 
sends the Brief to Isabella on her Death-bed — Catherine 
Deserted — Henry's Secret Protest Against his Betrothal — 
Pitiful Position of Catherine — The Visit of Philip and Juana — ■ 
Catherine Appeals to her Father — Death of the King of Castile 
— Its Effect on Catherine's Position — Erasmus Renews Ac- 
quaintance with Prince Henry. 

The blow which shattered so many hopes fell heavily on 
all the royal parents. The story of Henry VII. 's grief and 
rare display of tenderness towards his wife on receiving the 
melancholy news of Arthur's death is one of the familiar 
anecdotes of his reign. But grief soon gave place on both 
sides to further scheming for the possession of Catherine, 
and, what appeared at least equally important, her dowry. 
Ferdinand and Isabella at once sent a special ambassador to 
England in Fernando, Duke of Estra<' , an officer of the 
royal household, with the avowed objc .* of reclaiming from 
Henry VII. the 100,000 crowns which had already been paid 
as the first instalment of the marriage portion ; of demanding 
that Catherine should be put in full possession of the lands 
and revenues assigned to her as her jointure ; and of begging 
the King to send the Princess to Spain not only in the best 
manner but without delay. At the same time, however, 
the ambassador was furnished with secret instructions to 
conclude, if possible, a new marriage between Catherine 
and her brother-in-law, the Duke of York, 1 not yet eleven 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I. 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 27 

years old. Henry, of all men little likely to part with the 
sum which he had worked so long and laboriously to obtain, 
declined to return either the first instalment of the dowry, or 
Catherine herself. Nor was he disposed to be first in the 
field in negotiating for a new marriage with his surviving son. 
Ferdinand and Isabella informed the Duke of Estrada on 
June 16 1 that they had heard from Catherine how the King 
of England, while wishing for this marriage, was pretending 
not to care for it. " But," they added, " she says that he is 
thinking of it, and in fact really wishes that we should first 
make our proposals to him, and that the King of England 
should not be the first to move in it." Meanwhile the 
possession of the Princess of Wales gave Henry an advantage 
over his rivals, which he was not willing to forfeit. 

As for the settlement of her income as Princess of Wales 
he professed his readiness to arrange matters, but in that 
case maintained that he ought to receive the balance of the 
dowry still unpaid — a claim which Ferdinand indignantly 
denied, holding that with Arthur's death the marriage had 
been dissolved. The strength of Henry's position added to 
the Spanish Sovereign's uneasiness when, in the course of the 
same year, they were attacked by the King of France, who 
also began to make rival advances for young Henry's hand 
on behalf of one of the French Princesses. The following 
letter from Queen Isabella reveals something of the Spanish 
anxiety on the subject, and is also important for Dona 
EJlvira's statement regarding the marriage with the late 
Prince Arthur: 

QUEEN ISABELLA TO THE DUKE OF ESTRADA. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

Toledo, July 12, 1502. 

Know that the King of France is on his way 
to Milan with an armed force, and has sent a force 
against us, with the intention, it is said, of endeavour- 
ing to take from us our possession there. He has 
sent to the frontier of Perpignan many armed men, 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I. 



28 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

foot and horse, and has commanded that ban and 
reban be proclaimed. 1 

All the time this was going on we were at ease 
here, for we did not believe that he would break the 
agreement which he had made and sworn. 

But now you must see of how great importance it 
is that there should be no delay in making the agree- 
ment for the contract of marriage of the Princess of 
Wales, our daughter, with the Prince of Wales who 
now is. It is the more necessary, as it is said that 
the King of France is endeavouring to hinder it, and 
is intending to obtain the said alliance for his daughter, 
or for the sister of Monsieur d'Angouleme. There- 
fore, without saying anything about this, since it is 
already known for a certainty that the said Princess 
of Wales, our daughter, remains as she was here (for 
so Dona Elvira has written to us), endeavour to have 
the said contract agreed to immediately without con- 
sulting us ; for any delay that might take place would 
be dangerous. See also that the articles be made 
and signed and sworn at once, and if nothing more 
advantageous can be procured, let it be settled as was 
proposed. In that let it be declared that the King of 
England has already received from us 100,000 scudos 
in gold, in part payment of the dowry, and let that be 
made an obligatory article of the contract, with a view 
to restitution, in accordance with the former directions 
given you. Let it be likewise stipulated that we shall 
pay the rest of the dowry when the marriage is con- 
summated, so please God ; that is, if you should not 
be able to obtain more time. 

But take heed, on no account to agree for us to 
pay what still remains of the dowry until the marriage 
shall have been consummated. See, moreover, that 
the King of England give immediately to the Princess, 
our daughter, whatever may be necessary for her 
maintenance and that of her people. Provide also 
that, in the arrangement of her household, everything 

1 A medieval phrase, meaning in this case the summoning of the 
French vessels for war. 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 29 

should be done to the satisfaction of the King of 
England. Take care that Dona Elvira remain with 
her, and any other persons whom she may wish to 
retain, according to the number which was agreed 
upon for her service. 

Be very vigilant about this, and endeavour to have 
the contract made without delay and without consult- 
ing us. Do not, however, let them see you have any 
suspicion of hindrance, or show so much eagerness 
that it may cause them to cool. But set about it 
prudently, and in the manner which may seem best to 
you, so that there may be no delay in making the 
contract, and let us know immediately what you have 
done in it. . . . 

The Duke of Estrada, in spite of his rank, was only, as 
Catherine once described him, a mediocre man, and Puebla 
probably saw to it that he did not make much headway with 
his delicate task. At length Isabella, shrewdly suspecting 
that Henry VII. would disclose his hand if he saw serious 
signs of her departure for Spain, sent instructions to the 
Duke of Estrada to make the necessary preparations with 
that end in view. The letter in which Isabella unfolds her 
plan, and shows how cunningly she could employ fine senti- 
ments in the art of dissimulation, is a gem of its kind : 

QUEEN ISABELLA TO THE DUKE OF ESTRADA. 
[Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

Toledo, August 10, 1502. 
Since we wrote our other letters, it appears that the 
negotiation is so much damaged that if we were to 
move in the affair of the betrothal, or if it were to 
come to the knowledge of the King of England, it 
would be attended with very great injury. I, there- 
fore, command you, because it is very necessary, that 
you press much for the departure of the Princess of 
Wales, my daughter, so that she may immediately 
come here. You must say that the greater her loss 
and affliction, the more reason is there for her to be 
near her parents, as well for her consolation, as on 
account of her age. For you know that no other 



3 o THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

princess ever endured more grief than the Queen- 
Princess 1 when she was widowed, or led such a sad 
and such a bitter life on account of the death of her 
husband as she did. It was on that account that, 
immediately on our sending for her, she came hither 
from Portugal, although she has good houses and an 
estate there, where she might have remained. The 
King of Portugal likewise greatly desired that she 
should stay in his kingdom wherever she liked. 
Besides, the Princess of Wales can show the sense 
she entertains of her loss better here, and give freer 
vent to her grief, because the customs of this country 
better permit it than do those of England. 

You shall say to the King of England that we 
cannot endure that a daughter whom we love should 
be so far from us when she is in affliction, and that 
she should not have us at hand to console her ; also 
it would be more suitable for a young girl of her age 
to be with us than to be in any other place. While 
telling the King of England that we know very well 
that where he and the Queen are, she would not lack 
either father or mother, you shall also add that we 
greatly desire to have her with us, urging whatever 
else may seem meet to you with a view to this. You 
shall request the King of England to give you authority 
to bring her here, and to appoint some principal 
person of competent age, who shall be fitted for such 
an office, to escort her hither. 

You shall, moreover, tell him that you have com- 
mandment from us to freight vessels for her voyage. 
To this end you must make such a show of giving 
directions and setting about preparations for the 
journey, that all the persons belonging to the house- 
hold of the Princess may believe that it is true. Send, 
also, some of the members of her household on board 
with the captain I am now sending you, and make 
arrangements with him about the freight, and show 
all other signs of approaching departure. 

If the King of England shall say to you that he 

1 Queen of Portugal. 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 31 

cannot appoint any principal person to accompany 
the Princess, you shall tell him that we have desired 
you immediately to let us know. We will then send 
competent persons to the seaside, that they may 
accompany her from the place where she disembarks ; 
and we will give directions for such persons to depart 
immediately to be her escort. 

Moreover, you shall speak without delay about the 
restitution of the 100,000 scudos of the marriage 
portion. We have now to inform you what the law 
has decided with regard to the question, in order that 
you may declare it, although it be a thing so notorious 
that it was not requisite. You shall say how much, 
and with how great reason, we are astonished to learn 
that the King of England should pretend to say he 
has any doubt about a matter so clear, and so well 
known, and so undoubted. For neither the laws, nor 
reason, nor custom, nor honesty, can endure that 
after so great a loss as the Princess of Wales has 
suffered, her marriage portion should be taken away, 
instead of her jointure given her, as is done in similar 
cases. Of a truth, a thing of such a kind as is asserted 
by the King of England was never before seen or 
heard of, or demanded ; and it has excited so much 
surprise in us that we can hardly believe he has said 
it. For being as he is, so virtuous a prince, so truth- 
ful, and such a friend to justice and reason, and of so 
honourable a character, we cannot believe that he 
will refuse to do and perform towards us and the 
Princess all that he has promised. 

If he should refer to the treaty, then you shall say 
that since all the laws oblige him to make restitution 
of the marriage portion — and of this there is no 
doubt — he must point out the article of the treaty 
which says that, in this case, he is not bound to make 
restitution of the portion. Such an article is not to 
found in it. 

If he say that although the laws and universal 
custom oblige him to the restitution of the portion, 
yet that, according to the laws of his kingdom, he is 



32 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

not bound to do it, then you shall tell him that we are 
not acquainted with the laws of his kingdom. But 
of a truth, in the same way as he is not subject to the 
laws of our kingdom, as little are we subject to the 
laws of his kingdom, nor can they, in such a case as 
this, free him from the obligation to do that whereto 
he is constrained by law. Therefore, tell the King 
that we pray he will resolve to do this as being a 
thing which is obligatory upon him. For we never 
thought — nor do we now think — that it will be neces- 
sary to press for the fulfilment of a thing which he 
has promised to perform, but that he intends and will 
do it of himself. It would be, in fact, inhuman of us 
to think otherwise, or to suppose that he can be 
intending to despoil of the portion which she brought 
with her, a Princess, the daughter of such monarchs 
as we are, and who has met with such affliction since 
her arrival in his kingdom. Even between faithless 
enemies it is not to be done or thought of; and how 
much between Christian Princes, friends and brothers, 
such as we are. At any rate, you shall insist on 
having the Princess consigned to you, together with 
the portion which she took with her. 

For the present you shall not speak about the affair 
of the camera or dotalitium, or donatio propter nuptias, 
in order that the one affair may not cause embarrass- 
ment to the other, and that they may the more 
readily believe we desire the Princess to come to 
Spain. 

If, while urging the abovesaid two things, they 
should speak to you about the betrothal of the Prince 
of Wales with the Princess, you shall hear what they 
have to say, and ask how it is to be done, and in what 
manner, and all the particulars, not showing any 
desire for it, or any goodwill towards it. If they 
merely mention it, however, in order that you should 
talk about it, then without going so far as to press it, 
say that if it be not proposed only in order to delay 
the departure of the Princess, you will consult us about 
it. You must, in that case, put down all the parti 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 33 

culars of the business, so that if we think well of it 
there may be nothing more left to deliberate upon. 
In this manner, without showing that you have any 
wish that the matter should be urged, as soon as you 
have brought it to the point we have mentioned, you 
can conclude and agree about it without consulting us 
any further. 

But if the matter should not arrive at that point, 
then you shall press, at any rate, for the coming 
hither of the Princess and the restitution of the 
portion, appearing as if you had nothing else to 
negotiate, and afterwards consult with us. 

In case the said betrothal be agreed upon, be on 
your guard to see if you can prevail upon them to 
conclude the three matters about which they are 
making difficulties. 

Firstly, that in case the Prince die before the 
Princess, the said Princess, with all that belongs to 
her, and her attendants, may go to Spain, or whither 
they please, without asking leave of the then King, 
and that he shall not place any hindrance in her way. 
Also that she may enjoy and carry away with her the 
jointure she would have had, if she had remained in 
England. 

Secondly, that you make it binding, and settle it 
very clearly, that in case of the dissolution of the 
marriage without issue, and in case that one or the 
other should die before the marriage be consummated, 
the King of England and his heirs shall restore 
immediately to us, or to our heirs, all that may have 
been received of the said portion. 

Thirdly, that in case of the dissolution of the 
marriage as abovesaid, by the death of the Prince, 
the Princess shall hold and enjoy all that it may be 
agreed she shall have, in lieu of the third part of the 
principality and the duchy (of Cornwall) and earldom 
(of Chester) all the days of her life, wherever it may 
chance that she desire to be and remain. 

But in case that you should not be able to bring 
about both these two last-mentioned matters of the 

Y.H. d 



34 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

restitution of the portion, and of the enjoyment of 
that which may be settled upon her, after having done 
all you can to obtain them, then you must stipulate 
that it shall be left to the Princess to choose whichever 
of these two things she may like best — namely, either 
to enjoy that which shall be settled upon her, or to 
have the portion restored ; and thus the matter must 
be managed. . . . Finally, the one object of this 
business is to bring the betrothal to a conclusion as 
soon as you are able, and in conformity with the 
directions given you respecting it. For then all our 
anxiety will cease, and we shall be able to seek the 
aid of England against France ; for it is the most 
efficient help that we can have. It is in my interest 
that you have to bestir yourself, and you must employ 
yourself in it in the way that I look for from you : for, 
if you desire to do me any service, you cannot do me 
a greater in the world than this. . . . 

Ferdinand followed this with a repetition of the old promise 
to assist Henry in the recovery of Guienne and Normandy if 
only he, on his part, would promise to help the Spanish 
Sovereigns in the defence of their own possessions. How 
anxious they were in this connexion may be judged from the 
following extract : 

FERDINAND II. TO THE DUKE OF ESTRADA. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

September i, 1502. 

. . . We have learned that the King of France 
continues to prepare his enterprise at Milan and 
Florence, which is near to [Naples?], and has 
gathered together large bodies of troops at Genoa, 
with the intention to send them to Naples, and that 
he has already made war upon us there, publicly and 
openly, seizing upon and destroying the ... of Asti, 
where we had no troops. He has, moreover, collected 
his army together there, with the intention to prose- 
cute his enterprise, and to make an effort not only 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 35 

to obtain possession of our duchies of Apulia and 
Calabria, but of our kingdom of Sicily. And the 
French themselves have openly said so. 

As for us, we had not made any preparations for 
war in those parts, on account of the confidence we 
had that peace would be maintained. For we could 
not believe that the King of France would make war 
upon us so impudently, without just cause or reason. 
Therefore we think that before the provision we have 
made, and which has to be sent by sea, can arrive, 
there is great danger of a large portion of that 
kingdom being lost, especially as the nation is of 
such a temperament that it always declares itself for 
whoever maybe master of the field, which the French 
now are. 

Should the King of France, therefore, gain that 
kingdom, which God forbid, he would be sole monarch 
of all Italy ; and if Italy were to be joined to France, 
it is easy to see the peril in which all other Princes 
would be placed, over and above the injury which 
would accrue to us from it. 

Now this enterprise of the King of France cannot 
be hindered except by putting him under the necessity 
of defending his kingdom of France. This, to be of 
any use, cannot, as you know, be done by means of 
one King only. But if we and the King of England 
were to join together to make a descent upon France, 
each one with all his forces, we might then attack 
Guienne and Normandy, or we might descend upon 
Languedoc and the parts about Fuentarabia while 
the King of England attacked the duchies, in the 
hope, with God's assistance, that our army might 
then effect a junction there with the army of the King 
of England. For, if we and the King of England 
could meet in France, he might recover, by God's 
help, the said duchies of Guienne and Normandy, or 
a large portion of them. 

By these means the King of France would be 
obliged to quit Italy, in order to come to the defence 
of his own kingdom. . . . 

d 2 



36 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Henry VIL, however, had played cat's-paw for Ferdinand 
before, and was in no mood to repeat the experience. But 
the threatened departure of the Princess of Wales had had 
the desired effect of producing overtures on his part through 
Puebla for the betrothal of Catherine to his surviving son ; 
and so, for the time being, the proposed combined descent 
upon France was hurriedly thrust in the background : 



FERDINAND II. AND ISABELLA TO THE DUKE 
OF ESTRADA. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

December 13, 1502. 

. . . You shall not at present say anything to the 
King of England about the business of Guienne or 
Normandy, or about anything of the kind, in order 
that the more pressing affair of the betrothal be not 
impeded, but by means of the Doctor (Puebla), or as 
may seem best to you, you shall speak immediately 
to the King of England about the betrothal of the 
Princess of Wales, our daughter, with the Prince of 
Wales. 1 In doing so you shall tell him that we are 
aware that he desires it should take place. Moreover, 
that as well on account of the love which we bear him, 
as because we know that it is a good thing for both 
parties, we have decided to conform to his wishes. 
Likewise, as it is good for him and his realm to be 
assured of our friendship, and of our children's and of 
our kingdom's, in the same way as it might chance 
that his friendship would prove an advantage to us, 
and to our Kingdom, we are therefore pleased that in 
the name of our Lord the said betrothal should take 
place. We also desire that the matters appertaining 
to it should be settled with all the security that is 

1 The Spanish Sovereigns were a little previous, for ten months 
were allowed to elapse after Arthur's death before his brother was 
created Prince of Wales in his stead. Wolsey subsequently declared 
that this delay was largely due to a widespread belief that Catherine 
would give birth to an heir to the throne. 



! 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 37 

fitting. To this end you shall say to him whatever 
you think best ; and if in order to shorten the 
negotiation and render it more secure, you should see 
necessary to move in it and to speak of it in some 
other manner, do as may seem best to you. For, 
since this affair suits both us and the King of 
England, no more time ought to pass before speaking 
about and settling it. 

Moreover, the Doctor has always written to us, 
saying that if we are desirous of this betrothal, he 
will conduct the matter in such a way that it will be 
concluded, and attended with improvement in the 
articles of the treaty. 

You must therefore make use of him in the way 
that may seem best to you, and tell him that he must 
fulfil that which in so many of his letters he has 
assured us of and offered. For by bringing this 
business to a good conclusion he will set the seal 
to his services, and will lay us under an obligation to 
him. But if he do not manage it well, according to 
what he has written, we cannot be otherwise than 
displeased and discontented with him. 

Furthermore, you must endeavour to improve as 
much as you can upon the treaty of the said 
betrothal; and if you cannot accomplish more, at 
least let the small emendation which we mentioned 
to you be inserted in it. 

Finally, let your one object be to endeavour to 
have the betrothal agreed to without delay. But, if 
after having spoken about it, and used your best 
endeavours, you should find that the King of 
England does not seem to wish to settle it, in that 
case we are resolved that the Princess of Wales, our 
daughter, should come here immediately. If you 
should not be able to get any ships in which she can 
come, we will send them from here. 

The betrothal being settled, as we trust it may be, 
you shall, after it is agreed upon, speak to the King 
of England about Guienne and Normandy as we 
directed you. . . . 



38 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

The crafty Puebla had so often promised that all would 
soon be concluded to Spain's advantage — though, of course, 
it had been a most arduous affair — that Queen Isabella at 
last lost patience. Probably she had learnt a good deal 
about the Doctor's dubious ways from his ancient enemy, 
Bishop Ayala who had been recalled at Puebla's own 
request. Someone defined an ambassador as a man who 
was sent abroad to lie for the good of his country, but 
Puebla was an ambassador who lied both at home and 
abroad for his own unworthy ends, for he was as much in 
Henry's pay as that of Ferdinand and Isabella. " It would 
require all the paper in London to describe the character of 
the man," wrote Dr. Breton in one of the letters printed in 
the Calendar of Spanish State Papers : 1 

He is avaricious and a notorious usurer, an enemy 
of truth, full of lies, a calumniator of all honest men, 
vain-glorious, and ostentatious. He wishes to make 
foreign princes and other persons believe that he 
influences Henry in order that he may be selected by 
them as their agent. Under colour of his embassy 
he goes to the courts of law, and pleads the causes of 
merchants who pay him. He is hated to the last 
degree by all lawyers and judges, and by all 
merchants of whatever nation they may be. In 
London he lives in a vile and miserable inn of bad 
repute. When the Court is staying in the country, 
he dines every day in the palace of the King, and 
begs wine and bread for his supper, and for his 
servants. His servants live in the convent of the 
Carthusian Friars, or in some similar house, where 
they pay nothing. It is therefore generally said at 
Court that " De Puebla comes abegging." That is 
the reputation he has earned for himself and for his 
masters. 

Isabella could be as tortuous in her diplomacy as eithei 
Ferdinand or Henry VII., but there was no beating about 
the bush in the following letter : 

1 Vol. I., p. 16. 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 39 

QUEEN ISABELLA TO DOCTOR DE PUEBLA. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

Alcala, April n, 1503. 

I received the letters you sent me up to the . . . 
of February, and wrote our wishes respecting every- 
thing to Ferdinand, Duke of Estrada, our ambassador. 
He will communicate with you. It is not necessary, 
therefore, to repeat anything here, or to say more, 
excepting with regard to two things, which make us, 
and not without reason, dissatisfied with you. 

The one is, that, as you are aware, you wrote to us 
that if we would command Don Pedro de Ayala to 
come here you would take care to conclude this 
negotiation to our entire satisfaction, and that it 
should be attended with more advantages to us than 
in the past. On this account alone we desired him 
to leave England, but we now find that ever since he 
came here our affairs have been conducted in a much 
worse manner than they were before. 

The other matter is, that although we placed the 
most sacred confidence in you as regarded our affairs 
in the past, and although you were a learned man, 
you did not take care to arrange matters in such a 
way as to prevent the King of England, our brother, 
from demanding that which he now asks, in order to 
delay the fulfilment of his promise to us and the 
Princess, our daughter. For, as he promised he would 
send back the Princess of Wales, and restore the 
100,000 scudos of the dowry, which it is very plain he 
is bound to do, you should have put the matter in such 
a way that he could not have demanded what you say 
he does. Moreover, it being yourself who made the 
agreement for us, and who knew the truth so well, we 
are astonished that you have not hit upon some way 
by which the King of England, our brother, and 
the members of his council, and the persons who 
negotiated and settled the affair with you, should 
know and confess the truth. For we clearly cannot 
patiently suffer anything more to be said about a 



40 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

thing which is so devoid of truth and virtue, of right 
and reason, and which is so disrespectful to our own 
persons, and towards the Princess of Wales, our 
daughter. Therefore, if a remedy be not speedily 
found for these things, we shall consider that the 
principal responsibility of the failure rests upon you. 

On this account we command you to apply to these 
affairs all your industry, and skill, and knowledge, 
and eloquence, so that the abovesaid things may be 
done and remedied without any delay, as we have 
written to Ferdinand, Duke of Estrada. Meanwhile, 
preparations must be made for the return hither of 
the Princess of Wales, our daughter, for there must 
be no delay about her departure on account of them. 
In any case you will come with her, and if you should 
have served us well you will receive our thanks, and 
if not you shall be made to know that you have not 
served us. . . . 

Meantime a heavier blow than the loss of Prince Arthur 
had fallen on Henry VII. in the death of his wife, the fair 
and gentle Elizabeth. This event happened on February 11, 
following the birth of the Sovereign's seventh child, who was 
named, after their widowed daughter-in-law, Catherine. 
The infant, however, did not long survive its mother. 
Henry's bereavement, though we are told that it was " heavy 
and dolorous," was amazingly short-lived, if we are to 
believe that immediately after Elizabeth's death he seriously 
considered the idea of marrying his daughter-in-law himself. 
What part Puebla played in this scandalous suggestion it is 
impossible to say, but it was through the Doctor that Queen 
Isabella heard the rumour, and if such an idea ever existed 
in Henry's own mind, she very effectually nipped it in the 
bud: 

QUEEN ISABELLA TO THE DUKE OF ESTRADA. 
[Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

Alcala, April II, 1503. 

. . . We have received letters in which we are 
informed of the death of the Queen of England, our 
sister. These tidings have, of a truth, caused us much 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 41 

grief, as we declared more at length by our other letter, 
and in which we have spoken of the audience you are to 
seek, and the consolation you are to administer on 
our part to the King of England, our brother. Do as 
we have directed you in the said letter. The Doctor 
has also written to us concerning the marriage of the 
King of England with the Princess of Wales, our 
daughter, saying that it is spoken of in England. 
But as this would be a very evil thing — one never 
before seen, and the mere mention of which offends 
the ears — we would not for anything in the world 
that it should take place. Therefore, if anything be 
said to you about it, speak of it as a thing not to be 
endured. You must likewise say very decidedly that 
on no account would we allow it, or even hear it 
mentioned, in order that by these means the King of 
England may lose all hope of bringing it to pass, if 
he have any. For the conclusion of the betrothal 
of the Princess, our daughter, with the Prince of 
Wales, his son, would be rendered impossible if he 
were to nourish any such idea. If you should find 
that the King of England wishes to marry, we will 
tell you, at the end of this letter, the match which we 
think would be suitable for him, and all that occurs to 
us relative to it. 

It now remains for us to speak to you about the 
other affairs which you have taken in hand. You 
must have already felt that if, even before this time, 
in order to hasten the conclusion of the betrothal of 
the Princess of W T ales, our daughter, with the Prince 
of Wales, it was necessary to hasten the coming 
hither of the Princess, our daughter, it has now 
become a matter of pure necessity that she should 
depart immediately. For, now that the Queen of 
England is dead, in whose society (the betrothal 
being concluded) the Princess, our daughter, might 
have honourably remained as with a mother, and the 
King being the man he is, even though the betrothal 
were concluded, it would not be right that the 
Princess should stay in England during the period of 



42 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

mourning for the Prince of Wales. Much greater 
also will be the necessity and obligation of her 
coming hither if the betrothal between her and the 
Prince of Wales should not be immediately concluded. 

On this account, my Lord the King and I have 
determined that the Princess, our daughter, shall 
depart and come hither immediately, by the help and 
under the guidance of God. But before her departure, 
you shall endeavour, by all possible ways and means 
that you can use, to have the betrothal of the Princess 
of Wales to the Prince of Wales concluded and 
settled. . . . 

It certainly seems a very grievous and strange 
thing to us that, after having conducted ourselves in 
this business with so much love and frankness 
towards the King of England, and with such pure 
heart and such goodwill to preserve and increase the 
bonds of relationship and amity between ourselves, 
him, and our successors, he should desire to conclude 
the negotiation in the manner he does, especially 
when we consider his former wishes in regard to it. 
For what he now requires is neither that which in 
reason ought to be between such princes, nor will our 
honour, nor that of the Princess of Wales, our 
daughter, permit that he should make use of such 
crooked expedients in these negotiations. Most 
certainly if there had been in our kingdoms a like 
Princess, the daughter of the King of England, who 
had come hither in the way that the Princess, our 
daughter, has gone to England, and if we had had to 
treat respecting her betrothal with our son, we would 
have guarded the honour of his daughter more 
jealously than even if she had been our own. And 
with much love and a right goodwill would we have 
done all that which in such a case would have had to 
be done, without making such turnings and twistings 
in the business. If, in truth, we had acted otherwise 
in such a case, the King of England would have had 
much reason to complain of us ; but it seems to us 
that in this case he does not value the connexion as 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 43 

much as he ought to value it, and that he does not 
even wish to conclude the business at all. Yet since 
the King of England, taking example from what we 
would do, ought to regard the honour of the Princess 
as identical with his own, you must yourself see what 
honour would be done to the Princess and to us, if 
she, being a woman, and such a Princess as she 
is, should have to stay waiting in England, and be 
thereby made to appear as if she were asking and 
wishing for the said marriage. 

Therefore we command you by all the ways and 
means that you can use, to endeavour to have the act 
of the betrothal concluded without delay in the 
manner which we have directed. You must also add 
thereto all that may be of advantage, and conduct the 
affair ifi- such a manner {hat by means of Doctor 
Puebla, or in any other way which may seem better 
to you, the King may know that there are two things 
of which we are firmly resolved : 

The first is, that he must be made to know that, if 
he have any hope of marrying the Princess of Wales, 
our daughter, on no account can such a thing be. 
The other is the determination we have taken 
respecting the coming hither of the Princess of 
Wales, our daughter. In this way the King will be 
deprived of the hope of marrying her, if he be 
thinking of it, and of detaining her longer in England, 
and will then, perchance, at once proceed to do what 
he has to perform. For if you make strong repre- 
sentations to him, now that he is suffering from the 
loss of the Queen, his wife, who is in glory, and show 
him what he will lose if he do not consent to this 
betrothal, it is probable he will settle it in the manner 
respecting which we have given you commandment. 

Moreover, we do not know what reason there is 
why the King of England should ask for a larger 
sum, if the Princess of Wales should marry the 
present Prince of Wales, than he received when she 
married the late Prince of Wales. For the circum- 
stances are identical ; or, rather, since the late Prince 



44 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

of Wales was even better suited to the Princess 
of Wales on account of her age than is the present 
Prince, there is more reason to give less than more. 
However, we do not wish to make that a matter of 
discussion, and will only say that the sum given now 
must be the same as was agreed to before. 

It is necessary also to say that, to the 100,000 
scudos which the King of England has already 
received, we will add the other 100,000 as soon as 
the Prince of Wales and the Princess of Wales 
receive the nuptial benediction, and the marriage, 
God willing, is consummated. . . . However, should 
the King of England not be willing immediately to 
settle the betrothal as abovesaid, in that case the 
Princess of Wales shall depart at once for Spain. 
She shall do so, moreover, without waiting to recover 
the 100,000 scudos of the portion of which the King 
of England has to make restitution, should he not 
immediately give them. Meantime, you shall justify 
her departure as much as you possibly can, by means 
of arguments and by means of the Doctor. 

To show that we have right on our side in what 
we ask from the King of England, as to the resti- 
tution of the 100,000 scudos in gold, we have sent 
a document to England, signed by some doctors of 
our council, in which it is made clearly to appear, 
and to be a thing about which there can be no doubt, 
that the King of England is bound to restore that 
sum to us. This document you can show to him, 
and also the attestation of the doctor who drew it up 
by our royal command, and who swears that we 
never gave or thought of giving him authority to 
assert that the King of England was not obliged, in 
case that God took [the Prince of Wales to Himself], 
to restore to us the marriage portion which the 
Princess of Wales took with her. Nor did he ever 
agree to such a thing, nor would we have given him 
permission to do so on any account in the world. 
Moreover, not only did he never speak to us about 
such a thing, but if he had even so much as hinted 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 45 

at it, we should have looked upon it as an insult 
offered to us, and for the same reason we would not 
have allowed him to speak about the marriage portion. 
For such a thing was never known as that the 
daughters of Castile, after being portioned by their 
parents, should have to give up the portion they had 
brought with them, in case of the dissolution of the 
marriage and their becoming widows. But, that it 
should be given to the father of the husband, is 
certainly a thing unheard of, nor has such a thing 
ever been spoken of, or agreed to. On the contrary, 
it has sometimes happened that they have been taken 
without any portion and dowered by their husbands. 
Because, in addition to being the daughters of such 
monarchs as they are, respect is likewise had to the 
fact that in Spain daughters inherit, which is not the 
case in France. On that account, if such a thing 
were asked from anyone else, it would not amount to 
so much as it does when asked from our daughters. 
This is so clear and well known to both literate and 
illiterate persons that we were with good reason much 
surprised that the King of England should think of 
mentioning it. . . . 

If the King of England should not be inclined to 
give the money, it will be sufficient on our part that 
the affair should have received an explanation. But 
the requisition having been made, do not, on account 
of the non-payment, give up, or delay the departure 
of the Princess of Wales for Spain. If, therefore, 
you can provide sufficient proof, without the King ot 
England taking it as an affront, do it, and if not, 
do whatever may seem best to you, so that the King 
of England may not be annoyed, and that what has 
been done in England may be shown in Spain. Or, 
rather, we are of opinion that it would not be well 
that you should say anything on our part, or on 
yours, because it would lower us more than there is 
any reason for, if we were to show any desire to give 
such explanation. Act, therefore, as may seem best, 
and if you should think that it will be better to 



46 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

manage so that the English may know of the busi- 
ness from others, and not from you, give to those 
other persons some explanation respecting the affairs 
of the Princess of Wales and the Prince of Wales. 
With this view say that, on account of the love 
which we bear to the King of England and his 
kingdom, we consented, with much goodwill, to give 
the Princess of Wales in marriage to the Prince of 
Wales. But that God having taken the latter to 
himself before the matrimony was consummated, we 
find from letters received from England that the King 
of England desires the Princess of Wales should 
marry the present Prince of Wales. Tell them we 
have thought well of the proposal, desiring that on 
both sides our past loss should be healed and com- 
pensated, and that by this connexion, the love and 
amity existing between the two houses should be 
increased. Also that the subjects of both kingdoms, 
being thereby made nearer friends, should be able 
the more freely to traffic in the one kingdom and 
the other. Say, likewise, that the Princess of Wales 
is to come over to us, we, in this matter of the 
betrothal, having justly performed that which we 
owed to the affection we bore to the King of 
England and to his kingdom. But we now deem 
it right that they should know that if she remain in 
England it is by the wish of the King of England, 
and not by ours. . . . 

Isabella's counter-proposal for Henry VII. was that he 
should marry her husband's niece Juana, the young Queen 
of Naples, and as she was reputed to be handsomely dowered, 
the widowed king decided to give this due consideration. 
Meantime he had abandoned the shameful idea of marrying 
Catherine herself — if, indeed, he ever seriously entertained 
it — and, at last, on June 23, 1503, signed the treaty of 
marriage for his younger son. Two days later, in the Bishop 
of Salisbury's house in Fleet Street, the young Prince and 
his sister-in-law were solemnly betrothed to each other. It 
was agreed that the Spanish Sovereigns should abandon their 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 47 

claim to the repayment of the first instalment of the dowry, 
and that the balance should be paid by them within ten 
days of the solemnization of the new marriage, which was 
to take place as soon as Prince Henry should have com- 
pleted his fourteenth year. At present he was only twelve, 
and in blissful indifference to certain subtle matters which 
seemed of profound importance to the graver heads that had 
to deal with the affair. Ferdinand's instructions to De 
Rojas, his ambassador in Rome, in regard to the special 
dispensation which he had to beg of the Pope on account 
of the close affinity between the Prince and his prospective 
bride, form a curious commentary on the treaty itself, in 
which it is distinctly stated that the marriage with Prince 
Arthur had been duly consummated. There can be little 
doubt, however, that both Spanish Sovereigns were firmly 
convinced to the contrary : 

FERDINAND II. TO F. DE ROJAS. 
[Spanish Calendar, Vol. L] 

Barcelona, August 23, 1503. 

The cause of God and of the Church can be 
furthered only when Christian Princes are united in 
friendship and love, and yet there is no end of war 
and discord among Christians. In order to remedy, 
to some extent, the evil, he has concluded a perpetual 
league and friendship with the King of England. As 
it is his will and the wish of his ally still more to 
strengthen their friendship, he has decided to marry 
his daughter, the Princess Catherine, to Henry, 
Prince of Wales. This marriage requires the 
dispensation of the Pope. 

In the clause of the treaty which mentions the dis- 
pensation of the Pope, it is stated that the Princess 
Catherine consummated her marriage with Prince 
Arthur. The fact, however, is, that although they 
were wedded, Prince Arthur and the Princess 
Catherine never consummated their marriage. It 
is well known in England that the Princess is still 
a virgin. But as the English are much disposed to 
cavil, it has seemed to be more prudent to provide 



48 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

for the case as though the marriage had been con- 
summated, and the dispensation of the Pope must 
be in perfect keeping with the said clause of the 
treaty. The right of succession depends on the 
undoubted legitimacy of the marriage. 

The principal object of the league between Spain 
and England is the welfare and prosperity of the 
Pope, whom both Princes intend to defend against 
all aggressors. It is therefore to be hoped that the 
Pope will readily grant the dispensation. 

The ambassador of Henry VII. is likewise 
instructed to beg the Pope to give the dispensation 
in question. He ought to go, with the English 
ambassador, to the Pope, and to make a joint 
request. The sooner it is granted the greater will 
be his obligation towards the Pope. Should the 
English ambassador say that he cannot go with him 
to the Pope, because he has not yet received instruc- 
tions from his King, he must procure the dispensation 
without the English ambassador. 

Catherine's position at the English Court seems at this 
particular period to have left little to be desired. Henry VII. 
had just paid £300 to defray the expenses of her household 
during the months of July, August and September, adding 
to his instructions, with an unaccustomed generosity, " that 
whatever may be saved after all expenses have been paid is 
to be delivered to the Princess, to spend as she likes;" 1 
and, writing to Catherine herself, from Sheppey Island, he 
assures her that he loves her as his own daughter. As she 
was not well when he left Greenwich, he says, the time that 
will have to pass before he receives good news of her will in 
any case seem too long. He sends one of his most trusty 
servants " not only to visit her, but also to do anything for 
her that may be desirable with respect to her health, or that 
may give her some pleasure." 2 

No doubt Henry thought all this would expedite his own 
schemes, but it is also possible that he was really con- 
cerned about Catherine's health, which had been getting 



Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., p. 327. 
Ibid., August 4. 






HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 49 

steadily worse ever since her arrival from Spain. It took 
her years to grow accustomed to the more rigorous climate 
of England, heavy colds, coughs and intermittent attacks of 
ague almost pulling her to pieces. Later in this month of 
August she accompanied the King and his family to Rich- 
mond, Windsor and elsewhere. Unfortunately only an 
abstract of the Duke of Estrada's letters describing these 
visits is available : 

THE DUKE OF ESTRADA TO QUEEN ISABELLA. 
{Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

London, August 10, 1504. 

The King had taken the Princess of Wales to 
Richmond, and from Richmond to Windsor. There 
they stayed twelve or thirteen days, going almost 
every day into the park and the forest to hunt deer 
and other game. From Windsor they returned to 
Richmond, where they passed a week. 

The Princess had been unwell for three days, 
suffering from ague and derangement of the stomach. 
She soon got better. From Richmond the King 
proceeded to Westminster, leaving the Prince of 
Wales behind, but taking the Princess of Wales, the 
Princess Mary, and all the English ladies with him. 
A few days later they all went to Greenwich. After 
staying six or seven days in Greenwich, the Princess 
fell ill again, and much more seriously than before. 

Before she had recovered, King Henry was obliged 
to leave on a visit to Kent. The Princess then re- 
turned to the house in which she had formerly lived. 
She had, however, not improved. She is rather 
worse, for she now suffers every day from cold and 
heat. The illness seems sometimes serious, for the 
Princess has no appetite, and her complexion has 
changed entirely. Nevertheless, the physicians have 
much confidence, and say that the patient will soon 
recover. . . . 

The King left Greenwich the same day on which 
the Princess of Wales went away. He sends messages 
to her very often, and offers to visit her, He offers 

y.h. E 



50 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

to convoke all the physicians of the kingdom, and is 
very courteous. The Prince of Wales is with the 
King. Formerly the King did not like to take the 
Prince of Wales with him, in order not to interrupt 
his studies. It is quite wonderful how much the King 
likes the Prince of Wales. He has good reason to do 
so, for the Prince deserves all love. But it is not 
only from love that the King takes the Prince with 
him ; he wishes to improve him. Certainly there 
could be no better school in the world than the 
society of such a father as Henry VII. He is so 
wise and so attentive to everything ; nothing escapes 
his attention. There is no doubt that the Prince has 
an excellent governor and steward in his father. If 
he lives ten years longer he will leave the Prince 
furnished with good habits, and with immense riches, 
and in as happy circumstances as man can be. . . . 

There was considerable delay in obtaining the necessary 
dispensation for the marriage, largely owing in the first place 
to the unexpected death of Pope Alexander VI., and of 
his successor, Pius III., within a month of each other in 
the summer of 1503, Julius II. not being elected until 
the following November 1. Shortly afterwards the new 
Pope agreed verbally to grant the dispensation, and on 
November 26, 1503, signed the formal bull to that effect. 
It was not, however, until November of the following year 
that a brief, corresponding to this bull, was sent under seal 
of secrecy to Queen Isabella, for her consolation on her 
death-bed. Ferdinand forwarded this brief — ante-dated to 
December 26, 1503 — to Puebla, as mentioned in the ensuing 
letter to Henry VII., here translated from the Latin text in 
the Rolls Series : 

FERDINAND II. TO HENRY VII. 

[" Letters and Papers, Henry VII.," Rolls Series.] 

Medina del Campo, November 24, 1504. 

To the most serene Prince, Henry, by the grace of 
God, King of England, our most beloved brother, 
Ferdinand by the same grace King of Castile, Leon, 






HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 51 

Arragon, and either Sicily, Grenada, &c, health and 
increase of prosperous successors. 

We have received your letters which Duke Fer- 
nando, our spokesman, has brought to us, who has 
faithfully declared to us all those things which you 
have discussed with him and with Doctor de Puebla, 
our spokesman, upon matters pertaining to the 
increase of our kinship, and friendship, and to other 
affairs. 

First, therefore, we were marvellously pleased when 
we were assured of your health and prosperity, for on 
account of the great love which we bear towards you, 
we desire your life and prosperity no less than our 
own. We are moreover delighted at the health of 
the Princes, our common children, for although we 
are often assured by letters there written of their and 
your safety and prosperity, we are affected with a 
mighty joy when, as now, Duke Fernando narrates 
all to us with the credibility of an eye-witness. 
Therefore we ask you earnestly that you will always 
assure us of your health and safety. 

But how much shall we rejoice in regard to the said 
matters which pertain to the increase of our kinship 
and friendship, considering our great love and the very 
close bond of our kinship and friendship, and recog- 
nizing moreover your great virtue, w T hen our kinship 
and friendship are augmented in every possible way ; 
and care must be taken that the matter be done and 
concluded as soon as it possibly can. 

And since in regard to those things which you have 
caused to be referred to us about this matter by Duke 
Fernando, our spokesman, we have answered fully to 
our spokesman, the aforesaid Doctor de Puebla : we 
earnestly ask you to show to him full and undoubting 
faith. 

Moreover we send to the same Doctor de Puebla a 
Bull of Dispensation of the marriage of the said 
Princes, our common children, and we are writing to 
the same upon these matters, as you will hear from 
him, to whom we again pray you to give faith. 

e 2 



52 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Queen Isabella's death, which occurred two days after this 
letter was written, made a great difference to many things. 
It deprived Ferdinand of his title as King of Castile, the chief 
crown of Spain now passing by descent to his daughter 
Juana, the weak-minded wife of the Archduke Philip ; but 
Isabella, by her will, had empowered Ferdinand, when Juana 
was prevented from attending to public business, to act as 
governor of the kingdom in her name and authority. This 
led to the bitter feud between the King and his son-in-law, 
which lasted until Philip's mysterious death towards the end 
of 1506. Isabella's death also made a considerable difference 
to Catherine's position in England. Instead of treating her 
"as though she were his own daughter," as Puebla assures 
her parents in the next letter — written before the news was 
received in England of the Queen of Castile's death — he 
evidently thought seriously of abandoning Henry's engage- 
ment to her in favour of some more promising betrothal : 

DOCTOR DE PUEBLA TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. I.] 

London, December 5, 1504. 

Most high and most mighty Princes, the King and 
Queen's Majesties, 

After having kissed the royal hands and feet of your 
Highnesses, I have to inform you that, a few days ago, 
I wrote many letters from here to your Highnesses, 
sending them by different routes. As I am certain 
you must by this have received them, I will not repeat 
what is contained in them, but only tell you what has 
taken place since. 

Firstly, her Highness the Princess is very well, 
thanks be to God ; and although she has been a 
month at Westminster with the King, she is keeping 
the same rule and observance and seclusion which; 
she did in her own house, in accordance with the 
wishes and desires of Dona Elvira Manuel. Thisj 
manner of proceeding is thought well of by all the 
kingdom, and much more by the King. For I assure 
your Highness he has commanded that she shoul< 
be treated as though she were his daughter. 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 53 

Your Highness must be informed that some persons 
desire to make the Princess imagine she need not 
observe such order and seclusion as she does at 
Court, but that she ought to enjoy greater freedom. 
Your Highness will see this by a letter from Dona 
Elvira, which was given to me when I went to speak 
with the King, and which I enclose in this despatch. 
Moreover, his Highness told me plainly that he had 
heard something of the matter, and had declared his 
wishes to her Highness the Princess, telling her that 
the instructions sent her by your Highness were only 
such as were fitting for her honour and dignity. He 
had likewise told her that the commands you had 
laid upon her, and what you had written, must be 
performed, not only as long as she remained 
unmarried, but afterwards also. So that her High- 
ness the Princess is fully aware that your wishes in 
this respect, and those of the King of England, are 
one. She knows, moreover, that she must not now 
expect anything else, notwithstanding that she had 
such great hope that, after the arrival of Duke 
Ferdinand in England, your Highnesses would not 
make the arrangements you have made. Finally, 
there is nothing more to be done in this matter, 
excepting that, in order to set the seal to it all, I pray 
your Highnesses to write to her Highness, expressing 
your satisfaction with all that has been done. . . . 

Catherine soon had sterner problems to face than 
whether she ought to have greater freedom in her widow- 
hood. Henry now seems to have neglected her in a most 
heartless way. Three months after her mother's death she 
wrote from Richmond to Puebla begging him " to remind 
the King of England of the misery in which she lives, and to 
tell him in plain language that it will reflect dishonour on 
his character if he should entirely abandon his daughter." 
Had she contracted debts for luxuries, she added, the King 
might have had reason not to pay them. But such was not 
the case. She had been forced to borrow, otherwise she 
would have had nothing to eat. 1 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., p. 350. 



54 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Though Henry VII. had twice bound himself to provide 
for his daughter-in-law, he was not the only one to blame for 
Catherine's unhappy situation. Her father's cruel desertion, 
so far as financial assistance was concerned, was at least 
equally heartless. Even her mother, though lavish in her 
sympathy and jealous of her own and her daughter's dignity, 
had sent her no practical assistance. In the year before her 
death, indeed, Isabella instructed the Duke of Estrada to 
persuade her to sell personal jewels in order to pay the 2,000 
English soldiers whom the Spanish queen then wanted to 
enlist against France. Ferdinand's attitude may be judged 
by the letter which he wrote to Puebla in the summer of 
I 5°5> a- translation of which is printed by Dr. Gairdner in the 
" Memorials of Henry VII." : 

FERDINAND II. TO DOCTOR DE PUEBLA. 

[" Memorials of Henry VII.," Rolls Series.] 

Segovia, June 22, 1505. 

. . . Concerning the question of the marriage, tell 
him [Henry VII.] on my part how great pleasure I 
have had thereat, and that hence I hope that when 
the time shall have arrived they will receive the 
nuptial blessing, be wedded and consummate their 
marriage, the Prince and Princess of Wales, my 
children ; and with respect to the portion of the dowry 
which remains to be paid, it will be completed in time 
according to the manner agreed. But because, as 
you are aware, the Princess, my daughter, took with 
her what we gave her on account of the dowry, 
gold and silver and jewels to the value of thirty-five 
thousand crowns of gold ; and for these the King of 
England, my brother, has not tendered receipt, 
because as they had to be reckoned in at last 
[payment] it was hoped that the said receipt for 
payment would be procured : remind the Princess, 
my daughter, that she cause all the aforesaid gold 
and silver and jewels to be very safely kept, so that 
none of them may be lost ; for they have to be 
estimated and admitted as received to the value of 
thirty-five thousand crowns of gold on account of her 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 55 

dowry ; and that the above-mentioned which she took 
away has remained all registered here in the books, 
and there likewise, so that over there, those persons 
who hold it in charge must render thereof until it be 
received in payment of the dowry as has been 
arranged. And talk thereupon with Dona Elvira as 
well, because regarding this there should be great 
caution, as is right ; and the remainder, which 
amounts to sixty-five thousand crowns, I will give 
orders to pay up here in good time, which will be 
when the Prince of Wales, my son, shall be fifteen 
years complete. 1 And let me know for certain when 
he shall have completed the term, if it please our 
Lord ; because by that time endeavour shall be made 
to send to London the said sixty-five thousand crowns 
of gold. 

Concerning the expenses of Dona Elvira and Pero 
Manrique, and of the other attendants of the Princess, 
say what the King of England, my brother, answers 
as to whether they remain entirely at his charge. 
And whomsoever he shall entrust with the charge of 
expenses, as well as with providing for the establish- 
ment and attendants of the Princess, my daughter, 
let him provide abundantly what is necessary for the 
said Princess for her household ; and that in regard 
to the expenditure, it be done becomingly and 
competently. You will say on my part to the Princess 
that it seems to me, she should in all things prove 
submissive, and in much respectfulness to the King 
of England, my brother, her father, as I believe she 
does ; for besides this being a matter of course, he 
thus will love her more and will do more for her. 
And since it pleaseth our Lord, that it (England) is 
always to be her country, and in it she has to pass 
her life, both with the King of England, my brother, 
her father, and with the Prince of Wales, her 
husband ; and since her personal expenditure and 
that of her establishment, and the remuneration of 

1 Ferdinand omits to state that he had bound himself to pay 
the balance when the Prince was fourteen. 



56 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

her attendants, are and have to be always at the 
charge of the said King of England, my brother, her 
father, it seems to me she ought to endeavour that 
what concerns her establishment and her dependants 
should be done and ordered with the will and consent 
of the King of England ; because thus he will comply 
fully, and one may trust that he will therein respect 
his own honour and that of the Princess, my daughter, 
as well as his own peace of mind and that of the 
Princess, if it so happens, that he agree, once for all, 
in order to be rid of this anxiety. ... 

Henry VII. continued to assure Ferdinand that he loved 
him " more than any prince," and was willing to conclude a 
new alliance with him, yet on June 27 — the day before the 
Prince of Wales completed his fourteenth year — he prepared 
the way for dissolving the matrimonial bond, whenever he 
should think fit, by the formal denunciation which Prince 
Henry made secretly at his father's command before the 
Bishop of Winchester, in one of the lower chambers of the 
Palace of Richmond. The Prince was made to protest 
against the match on the ground that he had been contracted 
in marriage during his minority. " As he is now near the age 
of pubity he declares that he will not ratify the said marriage 
contract, but, on the contrary, denounces it as null and 
void." 1 

The protest, apparently, was merely a precautionary 
measure, for it was never made use of, and even Puebla, who 
was crafty enough to worm his way into most secrets, was 
ignorant of this trump card which, for emergency's sake, 
Henry VII. kept up his sleeve. The whole diplomacy of the 
rival Courts at this period, where there were so many royal 
widows, and widowers, and eligible princes and princesses, 
seems to revolve round a series of matrimonial plots, in which 
the leading characters change so frequently that it is not 
easy to follow them in all their evolutions. That anything 
seemed possible with Henry VII. in this connexion may be 
judged from a letter sent to the King of Portugal at this 
period : 

1 Lord Herbert's "Life and Reign of Henry VIII." 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 57 

THOMAS LOPEZ TO EMMANUEL, KING OF PORTUGAL. 
[" Letters and Papers, Henry VII," Rolls Series.] 

Mons, October 10, 1505. 
Sire, 

The King of England is treating to get married in 
France to the daughter of the Count of Angouleme, 
the Dauphin, or to his mother, and he has sent thither 
for that purpose Lord Somerset, 1 his ambassador ; 
he is also trying to marry his daughter to the same 
Dauphin, and is using great efforts for it. 

And he is treating very secretly in this house to 
marry his son, the Prince of Wales, to the daughter of 
King Philip, with whom it was treated and promised 
some days ago when the Cardinal here came for the 
said Dauphin, which makes it likely that the marriage 
with the Infanta Catherine will be undone, as it 
weighs much on his conscience. 

The said King of England gives well to understand 
that he is asked by your Highness for his daughter 
for the Prince your son ; he will make his choice 
where best he may. It appeared to me proper to 
write it to your Highness ; for with these kings all 
here use a great deal of underhand dealing, and your 
Highness is reputed by them for the most sincere, and 
above all intrigues. . . . 

Catherine's position now grew from bad to worse. She 
was shrewd enough to judge Puebla at something like his 
true worth, and at last wrote to her father, telling him frankly 
how matters stood with her : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

Richmond, December 2, 1505. 

Most high and most puissant Lord, 

Hitherto I have not wished to let your Highness 
know the affairs here, that I might not give you 
annoyance, and also thinking that they would improve ; 
but it appears that the contrary is the case, and that 

1 Meaning Sir Charles Somerset, Lord Herbert. 



58 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

each day my troubles increase ; and all this on account 
of the Doctor de Puebla, to whom it has not sufficed 
that from the beginning he transacted a thousand 
falsities against the service of your Highness, but now 
he has given me new trouble ; and because I believe 
your Highness will think that I complain without 
reason, I desire to tell you all that has passed. 

Your Highness shall know, as I have often written 
to you, that since I came into England I have not 
had a single maravedi, except a certain sum which 
was given me for food, and this such a sum that it 
did not suffice without my having many debts in 
London ; and that which troubles me more is to see 
my servants and maidens so at a loss, and that they 
have not wherewith to get clothes ; and this I believe 
is all done by hand of the Doctor, who, notwith- 
standing your Highness has written, sending him 
word that he should have money from the King of 
England, my Lord, that their costs should be given 
them, yet, in order not to trouble him, will rather 
entrench upon and neglect the service of your High- 
ness. Now, my Lord, a few days ago Dona Elvira 
Manuel asked my leave to go to Flanders to get cured 
of a complaint which has come into her eyes, so that 
she lost the sight of one of them ; and there is a 
physician in Flanders who cured the Infanta Dona 
Isabel of the same disease with which she is affected. 
She laboured to bring him here so as not to leave me, 
but could never succeed with him ; and I, since if she 
were blind she could not serve me, durst not hinder 
her journey. I begged the King of England, my 
Lord, that until our Dona Elvira should return his 
Highness would command that I should have, as a 
companion, an old English lady, or that he would 
take me to his Court ; and I imparted all this to the 
Doctor, thinking to make of the rogue a true man ; 
but it did not suffice me — because he not only drew 
me to Court, in which I have some pleasure, because 
I had supplicated the King for an asylum, but he 
negotiated that the King should dismiss all my 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 59 

household, and take away my chamber-(equipage), 
and send to place it in a house of his own, so that I 
should not be in any way mistress of it. 

And all this does not weigh upon me, except that it 
concerns the service of your Highness, doing the 
contrary of that which ought to be done. I entreat 
your Highness that you will consider that I am your 
daughter, and that you consent not that on account 
of the Doctor I should have such trouble, but that 
you will command some ambassador to come here, 
who may be a true servant of your Highness, and for 
no interest will cease to do that which pertains to 
your service. And if in this your Highness trusts me 
not, do you command some person to come here, who 
may inform you of the truth, and then you will have 
one who will better serve you. As for me, I may say 
to your Highness that, in seeing this man do so many 
things not like a good servant of your Highness, I 
have had so much pain and annoyance that I have 
lost my health in a great measure ; so that for two 
months I have had severe tertian fevers, and this will 
be the cause that I shall soon die. I supplicate your 
Highness to pardon me that I presume to entreat you 
to do me so great favour as to command that this 
Doctor may not remain ; because he certainly does 
not fulfil the service of your Highness, which he post- 
pones to the service of the worst interest which can 
be. Our Lord guard the life and most royal estate of 
your Highness, and ever increase it as I desire. 
From Richmond, the second of December. 

My Lord, I had forgotten to remind your Highness 
how you know that it was agreed that you were to 
give, as a certain part of my dowry, the plate and 
jewels that I brought ; and yet I am certain that the 
King of England, my Lord, will not receive anything 
of plate nor of jewels which I have used ; because he 
told me himself that he was indignant that they 
should say in his kingdom that he took away from me 
my ornaments. And as little may your Highness 
expect that he will take them in account and will 



60 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

return them to me ; because I am certain that he will 
not do so, nor is any such thing customary here. In 
like wise the jewels which I Drought came thence 
(from Spain), valued at a great sum. 1 The King 
would not take them in the half of the value, because 
here all these things are esteemed much cheaper, and 
the King has so many jewels that he rather desires 
money than them. I write thus to your Highness 
because I know that there will be great embarrass- 
ment if he will not receive them, except at less price. 
It appears to me that it would be better that your 
Highness should take them for yourself, and should 
give to the King of England, my Lord, his money. 
Your Highness will see what would serve you best, 
and with this I shall be most content. The humble 
servant of your Highness, who kisses your hands, 
The Princess of Wales. 

But Ferdinand, though ready enough to profess his love, 
was now too anxious to keep on good terms with Henry VII. 
to stir up trouble on his daughter's behalf. Her urgent 
letter of December 2 remained unanswered. Another letter 
written on December 15 to the same effect, in which she 
declared that she " will be lost, if she is not assisted from 
Spain " met with a similar fate. Perhaps the cause of this 
neglect may be found in the negotiations then pending 
between Henry VII. and Ferdinand's implacable enemy, the 
Archduke Philip, now King of Castile, in which Catherine 
had unwittingly been made to play a part, doubtless at the 
instigation of Dona Elvira Manuel, the duenna who, like her 
brother, Catherine's major-domo, was intriguing against the 
interests of Ferdinand. A few months later, when a chance 
storm drove Philip and Juana to these shores, Henry signed 
a treaty with the Castilian King, which not only undermined 
the influence of the King of Arragon, and lowered the value 
of the matrimonial alliance with Catherine, but also obliged 
Philip to hand over to the English King the fugitive Earl of 
Suffolk, the rebel " White Rose," who thus began the dreary 
imprisonment in the Tower which only ended with his 

1 The jewels at 20,000 crowns, and the plate at 15,000. 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 61 

execution in the succeeding reign. Other results of this 
fruitful visit of Philip and Juana were the marriage treaty 
between Henry VII. and Philip's sister, the widowed and 
wealthy Archduchess Margaret, who subsequently, however, 
repudiated the agreement, flatly declining to marry the 
English King ; and the investiture of Prince Henry with the 
Order of the Golden Fleece by Philip, who was himself 
created by Henry VII. a Knight of the Garter. In spite of 
his secret denunciation of his betrothal, we find the young 
Prince of Wales writing on behalf of the chamberlain of 
" the Princess, my wife," to Philip the Handsome, shortly 
after that highly-honoured guest had continued his interrupted 
voyage to take possession of his new kingdom of Castile : 

HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES TO PHILIP, KING OF 
CASTILE. 

[" Letters and Papers, Henry VII.," Rolls Series.] 

Greenwich, April 9, 1506. 

Most high, most excellent, and mighty Prince, 

I commend myself to you in the most affectionate 
and hearty manner that I can. Whereas the chamber- 
lain of my most dear and well-beloved Consort, the 
Princess, my wife, is going at present to you for 
certain matters that he says he has to transact in that 
quarter, he has requested me to write to you in his 
favour. I pray you very heartily, most high, most 
excellent, and mighty Prince, that you will hold him 
recommended in his said affairs, and that you will 
apprise me from time to time, and let me know of 
your good health and prosperity, which I particularly, 
and with my heart, desire to be of long continuance 
as I would my own. And for my part, whenever I 
can find a fitting messenger, I am determined to do 
the like to you. 

Moreover, on your intimating to me if there be 
anything here in which I can do you honour and 
pleasure, I will take pains to satisfy you in it with all 
my heart, by the good aid of our Lord, whom I pray 
to give you, most high, most excellent and mighty 
Prince, good life and long. Your humble cousin, 
Henry, Prince of Wales. 



62 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

A significant commentary on the Prince's reference to his 
"most dear and well-beloved consort" is furnished in the 
following translation of a pitiful letter from Catherine 
herself, written later in the same month to her father. 
Unfortunately the first folio of the original letter is missing. 
The Princess's admission that she knew nothing of the 
English language is remarkable, considering that she had 
then been four years in England. She afterwards atoned 
for this neglect, but at the present time her intercourse with 
her father-in-law and future husband was probably carried 
on in Latin : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies. ."] 

Richmond, April 22, 1506 

... [I cannot] speak more particularly, because 
I know not what will become of this letter, or if it 
will arrive at the hands of your Highness ; but when 
Don Pedro de Ayala shall come, who is now with the 
King and Queen in the harbour, your Highness shall 
know all by ciphers. I have written many times to 
your Highness, supplicating you to order a remedy 
for my extreme necessity, of which (letters) I have 
never had an answer. Now I supplicate your High- 
ness, for the love of our Lord, that you consider how 
I am your daughter, and that after him I have no 
other good nor remedy, except in your Highness ; 
and how I am in debt in London, and this not for 
extravagant things, nor yet by relieving my own 
(people), who greatly need it, but only for food ; 
and how the King of England, my Lord, will not 
cause them (the debts) to be satisfied, although I 
myself spoke to him, and all those of his council, 
and that with tears : but he said that he is not 
obliged to give me anything, and that even the food 
he gives me is of his good will ; because your High- 
ness has not kept promise with him in the money of 
my marriage portion. I told him that I believed that 
in time to come your Highness would discharge it. 
He told me that that was yet to see, and that he did 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 63 

not know it. So that, my Lord, I am in the greatest 
trouble and anguish in the world. On the one part, 
seeing all my people that they are ready to ask 
alms ; on the other, the debts which I have in 
London ; and also that, about my own person, I have 
nothing for chemises ; wherefore, by your Highness's 
life, I have now sold some bracelets to get a dress of 
black velvet, for I was all but naked : for since I 
departed thence (from Spain) I have nothing except 
two new dresses, for till now those I brought thence 
have lasted me ; although now I have nothing but the 
dresses of brocade. On this account I supplicate your 
Highness to command to remedy this, and that as 
quickly as may be ; for certainly I shall not be able to 
live in this manner. 

I likewise supplicate your Highness to do me so 
great a favour as to send me a friar of the Order of 
San Francesco de Osservancya, who is a man of 
letters, for a confessor ; because, as I have written 
at other times to your Highness, I do not understand 
the English language, nor know how to speak it : 
and I have no confessor. And this should be, if 
your Highness will so command it, very quickly ; 
because you truly know the inconvenience of being 
without a confessor, especially now to me, who, for 
six months have been near death : but now, thanks 
to our Lord, I am somewhat better, although not 
entirely well. 

This I supplicate your Highness once again that it 
may be as soon as possible. Calderon, who brings 
this letter, has served me very well. He is now 
going to be married. I have not wherewith to 
recompense him. I supplicate your Highness to 
do me so great a favour as to command him to be 
paid there (in Spain) and have him commended ; 
for I have such care for him that any favour that 
your Highness may do him I should receive as most 
signal. 

Our Lord guard the life and most royal estate of 
your Highness, and increase it as I desire. 



64 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

From Richmond, the 22d of April. The humble 
servant of your Highness, who kisses your hands, 
The Princess of Wales. 

To the most high and puissant Lord the King. 

The autumn brought another change in the situation with 
the sudden death of the King of Castile, shortly after his 
hollow reconciliation with his father-in-law. This happened 
in September, only three months after Philip's landing in 
Castile with his unhappy wife Juana, who had already 
developed signs of mental weakness, and now became un- 
mistakably mad. His death at once improved the prospect 
for Juana's widowed sister in England. It meant the return 
to power of Ferdinand, and it also seems at once to have 
suggested to Henry's mercenary mind a profitable marriage 
for himself with Queen Juana. His first move was to send 
Catherine a more gracious message than she had received 
from him for a long time. This apparently encouraged her 
to ask that she might move to Fulham from Eltham, where 
her health remained far from satisfactory. " The house at 
Fulham," he tells her on October 28, " has been kept for the 
ambassadors of the King of Castile who are expected. But 
as she wishes to go to it, and thinks it would improve her 
health to be so near him, the house at Fulham is certainly at 
her disposal, and the ambassadors shall be lodged elsewhere. 
If she prefer any other house, she has only to say so, and it 
will be kept for her." * Henry adds that he is sorry to hear 
of her return of ill-health. She must be cheerful, he tells her; 
he will return in three or four days. 

The death of the King of Castile also again brought 
Erasmus in touch with Prince Henry, with whom he 
appears to have been further acquainted when he paid his 
second visit to England in 1505. He now wrote to the 
Prince on the subject of Philip's death, and Henry replied 
in a Latin letter of which Erasmus wrote the following 
account in 1529 to Joannes Cochleius, who then questioned 
him as to the authorship of Henry VIII. 's book against 
Luther. Erasmus maintained that this work was substan- 
tially of the King's own composition, giving his reasons in 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., p. 401. 



I 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 65 

the letter which is now reprinted from Mr. Nichols's English 
edition of the " Epistles of Erasmus " : 

As far as regards the King's power of expression, I 
send you a sample which may enable you to guess 
how much may have been acquired in so many years. 
For the whole of the enclosed letter he wrote when a 
youth with his own hand. When I was staying at 
Venice, I sent a letter to him deploring the death of 
King Philip, my own Sovereign. I have kept no copy 
of it, but it began nearly in the following words : " A 
report has arrived here too sad to be readily believed, 
but so persistent that it cannot appear altogether 
baseless, that Prince Philip has departed this life." 
The boy at once recognized a certain elegance in the 
construction, and you will see that he has begun his 
own letter with a similar phrase. I knew the hand, 
but, to speak candidly, suspected a little at the time 
that he had had some help from others in the ideas 
and expressions. In a conversation I afterwards had 
with William Lord Mountjoy, he tried by various 
arguments to dispel that suspicion, and when he 
found he could not do so he gave up the point and 
let it pass, until he was sufficiently instructed in the 
case. On another occasion, when we were talking 
alone together, he brought out a number of the 
Prince's letters, some to other people and some to 
himself, and among them one which answered to 
mine. In these there were manifest signs of com- 
ment, addition, suppression, correction, and alteration. 
You might recognize the first drafting of a letter, and 
you might make out the second and third, and some- 
times even the fourth correction ; but whatever was 
revised or added was in the same handwriting. I had 
then no further ground for hesitation, and overcome 
by the facts, I laid aside all suspicion. Neither do I 
doubt, my dear Cochleius, but that you would do the 
same, if you knew this King's happy genius. 

Now follows the letter itself, dated January 17, 1507* 
Note the motto which the pious young Prince has placed at 
y.h. F 



66 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

its head. Mr. Nichols reminds us that some examples of 
the practice of putting a motto at the head of a letter may 
be found in the Paston Collection : 

HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES TO ERASMUS. 

^'Epistles of Erasmus," translated by F. M. Nichols, Vol. I.] 

JESUS IS MY HOPE. 

I am much struck by your letter, most eloquent 
Erasmus, which is too elegant to appear composed 
on a sudden, and so lucid and simple that it cannot 
be supposed to be premeditated by so dextrous 
an intellect. For it somehow happens, that those 
writings which are elaborated by ingenious minds 
and produced with more than usual care, bring with 
them also a greater share of studied difficulty, for 
while we aim at a more refined eloquence, we lose, 
without being aware of it, that open and clear 
manner of expression. But your epistle, charming 
as it is in its grace, is no less transparent in its 
perspicuity, so that you seem to have carried every 
point. But why do I set myself to praise your 
eloquence, whose skill is well known through the 
whole world ? There is nothing I can compose in 
your praise which is worthy of that consummate 
erudition. I therefore pass over your praises, about 
which I think it better to be silent than to speak 
insufficiently. 

The news of the death of the King of Castile, my 
much lamented brother, I had received with regret 
long before I read of it in your letter. Would that it 
had come much later or had been less true! For 
never since the death of my most dear mother has a 
less welcome message come to me. And to speak 
the truth, I was not so ready to attend to your 
letter as its singular elegance demanded, because it 
appeared to reopen a wound which time had begun 
to heal. But those events that are determined by 
Heaven, must be so received by mortals. Meantime 
pray proceed, and signify to us by letter any news 



HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES 67 

you have, but let your news be of a pleasanter kind ; 
and may God bring to a good event whatever may 
happen worth telling. Farewell. 

Richmond, January 17, [1507]. 

Two months later, King Ferdinand, then in Naples, at last 
sent Catherine an answer to her piteous appeals for help. 
He had meantime married Germaine de Foix, the French 
King's niece, and bought off the French claims on Naples in 
order to strengthen himself against his late son-in-law ; but 
now that Philip was dead it was time to return to Spain and 
make the best bargain he could out of the new situation with 
Henry VII. 



F 2 



CHAPTER III 

LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII. (1507 — 1509) 

Ferdinand's Empty Sympathy — Catherine's Share in Henry VII. 's 
Proposal to Marry her Mad Sister — Catherine's Increasing 
Poverty — Her New Confessor — More about Henry VII. 's 
Matrimonial Schemes — Catherine Prevented from Seeing Prince 
Henry — Henry VII. Renounces Marriage Treaty owing to 
Non-payment of Marriage Portion — Catherine Begs her Father 
to Send it — Ferdinand Appoints her his Ambassador — She 
again describes her Pitiful Situation — Warns her Father 
Against Henry VII. and Puebla — Her own Gifts of Dissimula- 
tion — She Writes to Juana of Castile on Behalf of Henry VII. — 
Ferdinand's Attitude in the Matter — Rumours of Rival Candi- 
dates for Prince Henry's Hand — English Designs on Castile — 
The Conference of Cambrai — Fuensalida becomes Ambassador 
in England — Ferdinand's Threatening Attitude — Grave Condi- 
tion of Henry VII. — Disorders in Catherine's Household — 
Her Relations with her Confessor — Her Defence — Desperate 
Condition — Death of Henry VII. 

It is probable that some of Catherine's earlier letters had 
never reached her father ; Puebla would have seen to that ; 
and it is significant that contemporary translations, probably 
made for the benefit of Henry VII., are preserved in the 
Record Office. But Ferdinand's eloquent distress in the 
following letter at Catherine's condition could not have 
been very sincere, for he had no serious intention of sending 
the promised money until absolutely forced to do so. His 
reference in the same letter to Henry's proposal to marry 
Juana reveals the unpleasant fact that it was through 
Catherine herself that Henry first made his revolting sugges- 
tion to Ferdinand. It was revolting not so much because, 
had the scheme succeeded, it would have placed her in the 
position of daughter-in-law to her own sister, but because 
that sister was out of her mind. If Catherine was not 
at the time fully aware of the effect of Philip's death on 
Juana's already weak intellect, she was soon informed of the 
fact. It is wrong to judge the manners and morals of four 
hundred years ago by the standards of to-day, but it is 
impossible to think of her share in these negotiations without 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 69 

losing some of our regard and sympathy for her. Only an 
abstract of Ferdinand's letter is printed in the Calendar 
of Spanish State Papers : 

FERDINAND II. TO CATHERINE OF ARRAGON. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. L] 

[Naples, March, 1507.] 

Has received her letter sent with Cavallos. God 
alone knows the sadness of his heart whenever he 
thinks of her miserable and trying life. Loves her 
more than ever a father loved his daughter. May 
God forgive King Philip ; for to tell the truth, he 
caused all her misery. 

The money of her marriage portion was ready to be 
sent to England, but he prevented it. He always was 
hostile to him, and to all his daughters. Queen 
Juana is unable to give orders, and the money cannot 
therefore be sent during his absence. Intends to 
return to Castile in the spring. Queen Juana, and a 
great many other persons, have written to him, saying 
that his presence is absolutely necessary in Spain for 
the conservation of peace. Directly after his arrival 
in Castile the money shall be sent to England. 

In Naples there is not a fit person to be found to 
serve her as confessor, but a Spanish confessor will 
be sent to her from Castile. Promises to send 
another ambassador to England. Don Pedro de 
Ayala, if he could be persuaded to go, would perhaps 
be the best person for that place. 

If the King of England, as she believes, be not 
willing to accept the ornaments, plate, &c, for the 
price at which they were valued in Spain, he may take 
them at the price at which they are worth in England. 
She must, however, take care that nothing of the 
jewels, ornaments, &c, be lost before she is married, 
1 for they form part of her marriage portion, and it 
would be difficult to replace them. The ambassador 
whom he intends to send will easily persuade King 
Henry to arrange the affair to her satisfaction. 
' Meanwhile she must try to win the goodwill of the 



70 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

King, and always speak of her marriage as a thing 
beyond all doubt. 

Has read her letter, by which she has communicated 
to him the wish of the King of England to marry her 
sister, Queen Juana. She must tell the King that it 
is not yet known whether Queen Juana be inclined to 
marry again ; but if the said Queen should marry 
again, it shall be with no other person than with the 
King of England, especially as he has proposed such 
acceptable conditions. Expects that the King of 
England will send him an ambassador with whom he 
can treat about this marriage of Queen Juana, as soon 
as it is known in England that he has returned to 
Castile. But the affair must be kept most secret ; 
for if Queen Juana should hear anything about it, she 
would most probably do something quite to the 
contrary. No one knows her better than himself. 
For this reason nothing must be done before his 
return to Spain. 

Sends a letter for the King of England in cipher. 
The person who is to decipher it must be a trust- 
worthy person. Flas written something concerning 
the marriage of the King of England to Dr. Puebla. 
She may make use of him until another ambassador 
arrives. 

Instead of sending the overdue balance of the dowry, 
Ferdinand made use of the Juana proposal in order to secure 
a further postponement from Henry VII. " Punctual 
payment is so sacred a duty," protests the English King in 
sending his grudging consent to this postponement, " and the 
sum of money is so moderate for so great a King that he had 
not expected to be again requested to consent to a new 
postponement of the payment." Besides, he states, " Many 
other princesses have been offered in marriage to the Prince 
of Wales with much greater marriage portions, and even 
with a dower twice as great as that of the Princess Catherine. 
He has, however, not accepted them, because he loves and 
esteems him so much, and is even willing that the payment 
should be postponed till the Feast of St. Michael the 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 71 

Archangel " — five and a half months later. Then with an 
obvious reference to his own proposal of marriage Henry 
adds : " The Princess of Wales and Puebla have made 
communications in his name, respecting the new tie of 
relationship by which they are to be connected. He has 
heard it all with the greatest joy." 1 

The full measure of iniquity involved in this marriage 
scheme is disclosed by Puebla in the course of a long letter 
to Ferdinand, written on April 15, 1507 : 

As to the marriage of the Queen of Castile (he 
writes), the King of England and the few counsellors 
who are initiated in the matter approve fully of his 
discreet manner of proceeding. There is no King in 
the world who would make so good a husband to the 
Queen of Castile as the King of England, whether 
she be sane or insane. He thinks she would soon 
recover her reason when wedded to such a husband 
as Henry, and King Ferdinand would, at all events, 
be sure to retain the regency of Castile. If the 
Queen's madness should prove incurable (he adds), 
it would perhaps not be inconvenient that she should 
live in England, for the English seem little to mind 
her insanity, especially since he has assured them that 
her derangement of mind would not prevent her from 
bearing children. 2 

In the next letter we see Catherine the ambassador, as 
well as Catherine the daughter, acting for Ferdinand in the 
matter of Henry's matrimonial plans, which again included 
the Archduchess Margaret, in spite of her former refusal to 
marry him. 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[Richmond, April 15, 1507.] 

Very high and very mighty Lord, 

The letters of your Highness I received by the 
courier who is the bearer of these. They were of so 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., pp. 406-7. 

2 Ibid., p. 409. 



72 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

recent a date that your favour and my pleasure were 
doubled. I kiss the hands of your Highness, thanking 
you for the care you take of me. All this has been 
very necessary to appease the fury which was raging 
here before the payment of the dower had been 
prorogued. The date of the prorogation your 
Highness will learn from the letter of the King of 
England. God grant that this period may be long 
enough, and that before it is over the payment may 
be made, for, if that should not be the case, it might 
well be said " the last is worse than the first." What 
I wish is that, if possible, your Highness should not 
wait for the end of the term which has been granted, 
as an anticipation of the payment would atone for the 
last default. Although I beg this, I know very well 
that I cannot urge your Highness more than you urge 
yourself, but I speak of it because I wish your 
Highness to take some means to prevent these people 
from telling me that they have reduced me to 
nothingness. 

It is very difficult to endure such humiliations, 
being the daughter, although an unworthy one, of 
your Highness. I therefore wish that the ambassador 
who is to come hither should be a man who dares to 
speak an honest word at the right time. Your 
Highness has already informed me that you will do 
what I have asked, and the reason why I wish that 
Don Pedro 1 should be sent, is because I think that if 
he wishes to do anything, he has the ability to do it. 
Besides, he knows this country. Whoever knows 
this country has overcome one-half the difficulties. 2 
Thus, I should be glad if your Highness would send 
either him or the Knight Commander of Membrilla, 3 
and not Fernanduque, although he has already been 
here. I once more beg your Highness that the 
person who is to come, whoever he be, may be a man 

1 Don Pedro de Ayala. 

2 Literally, " has gone already half-way." 

3 Guitier Gomez de Fuensalida, Knight Commander of Haro and 
afterwards of Membrilla. 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 73 

of great experience, knowledge, and high station. 
All this would give him authority. Your Highness 
may believe that nothing contributes more towards 
the prosperity or adverse fortune of kingdoms than 
the choice of ambassadors, especially in this kingdom, 
which is so isolated from all others, and requires in 
every respect more circumspection than any other 
nation. Your Highness tells me that the new 
ambassador will be so well instructed about everything 
that no difficulty can arise here. I believe it, but if 
your Highness has read attentively my former letters 
you will remember that I informed you in them of the 
same thing as I write in this, viz., that my necessities 
have been so great, and have lasted so long a time, 
that I have been forced to sell my plate. A portion 
of it is therefore deficient, and will be as long as 
your Highness does not provide me [with money]. 
Although I let my servants walk about in rags, and 
they live in such misery that it is shameful to think 
of it, I cannot so much neglect my own person ; and 
as there are no other resources left me, I am forced 
to live upon what I have. 1 Your Highness knowing 
all this, as I have written all the details to you, I do 
not understand how you can command me to preserve 
intact my gold and plate because it is to form part of 
my dower. I have informed your Highness of this 
circumstance in all my former letters, that you may 
remedy it, and may know that there is not any doubt 
that with what is here the whole dower cannot be 
paid unless your Highness increases the amount 
which you are to send hither. 

I tell your Highness all this in order that you may 
be well informed, and make such arrangements for 
the payment of the dower that no more time may be 
lost than has been already in waiting for your [arrival 
in Spain]. I also beseech your Highness to succour 
my servants, and to grant them some favours. For 
all of them, men and women, no longer know what to 
do, and I am at a loss what to say to them. If it is 
1 Meaning, to sell her plate. 



74 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

true that your Highness considers services which I 
receive as services rendered to yourself, I think there 
are no persons to whom your Highness is more 
indebted than to my servants. From the day that I 
arrived in this kingdom, as I have written to your 
Highness, they have always served me in the hope 
that things would be mended, and although nothing 
has been remedied up to this day, they serve me still 
with the same goodwill as though I granted them 
every day new favours. As your Highness is returning 
to Castile, I hope and take it for certain that you will 
give them at once all that is due to them. 

I am so glad your Highness is returning to Castile 
that I forget to think of your fatigues. The 
advantages are very great. Not to speak of the 
comfort and consolation of the Queen [Juana], 
although that is also of great importance, I rejoice to 
think that the kingdom to which the Queen my lady 
[Isabella] succeeded is to remain in the hands of your 
Highness, and will lose nothing of the prosperity and 
security in which she left it. Besides, I hope that by 
staying in that kingdom, your Highness will be in a 
better position to remedy all that concerns me. 

With respect to the confessor whom I begged your 
Highness to send me, I must inform you that I have 
already a very good one. I have written to the 
General of the Franciscan Observant Friars that 
some learned Spanish friars are wanted here. I now 
beg your Highness to send them. Concerning what 
your Highness ordered me to tell the King in your 
name in answer to [his proposals] with respect to the 
Queen, I wish I could write in cipher as well as 
decipher ; but I think it better to write in common 
writing than to trust to anyone else. His answer is, 
that he values very highly the good intentions of your 
Highness, but as for the sending of an embassy, he 
would not like to do it before he had some certainty 
of obtaining what he desired. The reason which he 
gives is, that it would reflect dishonour on him if he 
were to send [an embassy] and nevertheless it [the 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 75 

marriage] could not be concluded. I do not think so. 
He, however, told me that he is ready to send [an 
ambassador] about some treaty which has been 
concluded, and says that if your Highness will write 
and inform him of the intentions which prevail there, 
and if they should be such as he wishes them to be, 
he will immediately send an ambassador to your 
Highness, with a treaty already drawn up and 
containing all he has promised, and also with full 
powers to do all your Highness may command. 

Moreover, he told me that he desires your Highness 
to send him without loss of time a determinate 
answer, and to let him know what can be done in 
this affair; for the Duchess of Savoy is already 
arrived in Flanders, and is waiting there for him. If 
this 1 can be concluded, he will give up the other, 2 
Although it is also a good one, the first is still better. 
But if that cannot be done, he would in such a case 
not like to lose the other, which suits him perfectly 
well. Such was his answer. Concerning the necessity 
to keep it secret, I told him word for word what your 
Highness writes to me. As for myself, I can assure 
your Highness that I shall keep it, and in order to be 
more sure I have myself deciphered your ciphering 
without any assistance, although I am not used to 
such a thing. With respect to what your Highness 
orders me, viz., that I should always conduct myself 
as though God alone could undo what has been done, 
I have, in fact, always behaved in this respect with 
great circumspection and watchfulness. 

In order the more to confirm it, speaking with 
Doctor de Puebla only a few days ago about the 
present state of things, I asked him to tell the King 
that I resented it much, although I concealed my 
feelings, and that the most difficult thing for me to 
bear was to see the Prince so seldom. As we all 
lived in the same house, it seemed to me a great 
cruelty that four months should have passed without 

1 The marriage with Queen Juana. 

2 The marriage with Margaret of Savoy. 



76 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

my seeing him. The Doctor told me the King had 
assured him he did it for my good ; for if your 
Highness knew this you would make more haste in 
sending the dower. Thus, nothing has improved. 
Your Highness commands me meanwhile to do what 
I may think necessary. I have done so up to this 
time as well as I could, and although I have suffered 
martyrdom, I shall continue to do all your Highness 
desires, more to serve your Highness than out of 
regard for my own interests. In consequence of 
what your Highness writes me, I expect Zavallos. 
I shall be glad to learn good news of your Highness 
more fully. I have told and ordered the Doctor to 
write to your Highness the truth, and not to sugar it 
over or to conceal it. He has promised to do so. The 
reason why I wish it is that he may not give your 
Highness false hopes at my expense, but that he 
may tell the truth, so that what has been bad hitherto 
may be remedied in future. 

Our Lord preserve the life and royal estate of your 
Highness and prosper it as I wish. 

Your Highness's servant kisses your hands. The 
Princess of Wales. 

Henry VII. not only prevented Catherine from seeing her 
affianced husband, but told her frankly that he no longer 
regarded himself, and the Prince of Wales, as bound by the 
marriage treaty, because the marriage portion had not been 
paid. Catherine informed her father of this in a shorter 
letter, written on the same day as the last. She had asked 
Puebla whether the King of England was entitled by law to 
renounce her marriage with the Prince, and Puebla had said 
that he was. She had also asked her confessor for his 
opinion, and he had replied " that if a marriage treaty were 
concluded conditionally, and the conditions not fulfilled by 
one party, the other party should renounce the whole treaty." 
She begged her father not to forget, therefore, that the 
whole marriage would come to nothing if he did not pay the 
marriage portion punctually on the day fixed. 1 On May 19 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., April 15, 1507. 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 77 

Ferdinand promised Puebla to send the money as soon as he 
arrived in Castile, without waiting for the expiration of the 
term granted for the payment ; and enclosed also " the 
revised credentials for the Princess of Wales, to enable her 
to act in his (King Ferdinand's) name." Fortunately 
Catherine's health had now much improved. " By this 
time," writes Johannes, her doctor, to Ferdinand, " she may 
be declared to have entirely recovered from the long malady 
from which she has suffered ever since her arrival in 
England. She has regained her natural healthy colour. 
The only pains from which she now suffers are moral 
afflictions beyond the reach of the physician. Her only 
hope is in his royal and paternal solicitude." 1 

How Catherine played her part both as matrimonial agent 
for the King of England and as ambassador for her father, as 
well as the long-suffering agent for her own affairs, may be seen 
in the next two letters, one the formal communication which 
had to be submitted to Henry VII., and the other, written on 
the following day, intended for Ferdinand's eyes alone : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

[Greenwich, July 17, 1507.] 

Most high and most puissant Lord, 

Since your Highness will provide every thing so 
quickly, I have only for the present to let you know 
that I gave the letter of credence of your Highness to 
the King of England, my lord, and explained to him 
clearly that which came in cipher. 

His Highness rejoiced as much as there was reason, 
and sets a high value on seeing the desire that your 
Highness shows on this occasion to testify your good 
will by acts, and expressed himself under much obliga- 
tion to you for it ; and that all that your Highness 
says appeared to him so good and so much to his 
purpose, that he could add nothing more than to 
commit himself entirely to your Highness, since he 
counts upon you so certainly on his side. And that 
when your Highness has arrived, and has seen the 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I,, p. 414. 



78 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

disposition that there is in regard to this business, 
if it be that which we all desire, 1 the King of 
England, my lord, will send to your Highness his 
ambassadors, with full and entire power for your 
Highness, making himself known to you as though 
you were one and the same person with himself, 
since he believes you nothing less in affection, and 
thus will trust in your Highness as much as in 
himself: since he holds for certain that you will 
regard him as your Highness offered him, and that 
no embarrassment may cause this affair to be 
obstructed. 

I wish to advise your Highness, that by way of 
France and also from Spain I have learned how the 
King of France labours, that if the lady Queen of 
Castile, my sister, should be married, it should be 
to the Comte de Foix; and this does not appear 
convenient to me, either for the estate of your 
Highness or for that of the lady Queen of Castile, 
because it would be sending discord to the very knife 
into that kingdom ; and your Highness could never 
be secure, since these inconveniences which I here 
speak of, as resulting from such a marriage in effect, 
might follow. Let not your Highness think that I 
say this by way of advising you, since I do not say 
of myself anything in the world that can warn your 
Highness which you will not have well before 
prepared for ; but I say it because I, in this, feel 
myself personally interested. And in the negotiation 
which I have spoken of, I supplicate your Highness 
to give diligence that it may be held as was agreed 
upon ; since, as regards the King of England, my 
lord, they make great haste with marriages, as for 
that of the Duchess of Savoy and others ; and his 
Highness, as well on account of the advantage that 
there is in this as because he would prefer to contract 
kindred with your Highness rather than with all the 
princes of Christendom, holds himself entirely in 

1 That is, if Ferdinand, on his arrival in Castile, find the disposition 
of the government favourable to the speedy payment of the dowry. 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 79 

suspense, without determining anything, hoping in 
this other determination and answer which he expects 
from your Highness. And, since I see with how 
much affection your Highness desires this may come 
to effect, there will be no need to supplicate you, (or) 
that I labour at it, except to kiss your hands for the 
favour that, for my part, in this affair I receive, who 
may find such new obligation to love your Highness 
more, and give myself to serve you in every respect ; 
since I esteem the affairs of the King of England, my 
lord, more mine than my own. And since his Highness 
writes more to your Highness about this in his letter, 
I conclude. 

Our Lord guard the most famous and royal estate 
of your Highness, and increase it as I desire. 

The humble servant of your Highness, who kisses 
your hands, The Princess of Wales. 



CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."'] 

[Greenwich, April 18, 1507.] 

Most high and most puissant Lord, 

I received your Highness' letters, which, by a 
servant of the King of England, my lord, you wrote 
to me ; and, setting aside the pleasure which it gave 
me to know the news of the health of your Highness, 
which I desired, since I can have no greater good 
after my salvation, so much did the ciphers of your 
Highness avail here, that I have by them passed 
three or four days in such good spirits as are 
unearthly ; and they were much needed at the time 
that they came : for not two days before the King 
had said to me that the journey of your Highness 
was postponed, according to report ; and I indeed 
felt it was said to do me fresh displeasure, so that 
on all accounts the letters of your Highness were 
necessary to me. At the conjuncture that they 
arrived, I gave the credence of your Highness to the 
King of England, my lord, and he had showed to 



8o THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

him clearly that which came in cipher. He rejoiced 
so much to see them that, as I tell your Highness, 
he told me of his great satisfaction thereupon ; and he 
commanded me that I should write on his part to 
your Highness the pleasure that he had of the good 
will that your Highness by this showed, and that he 
was greatly obliged by it, and that all that your 
Highness said appears to him so good and so much 
to his profit, that he could say nothing more than to 
commit himself entirely to your Highness, since he 
thinks you so certainly on his side ; and that when 
your Highness arrives and has seen the disposition 
that there is to execute that which he wishes, in case 
it were that which he desires, your Highness making 
it known to him, he will send you ambassadors with 
all power for your Highness, as though you were the 
same person with himself, since he believes you no 
less in affection ; and thus he will trust your Highness 
as he would himself, since he esteems it certain you 
will regard him as no less (person) as your Highness 
offered yourself to him. 

And since he writes himself to your Highness I 
have no need to enlarge more on his behalf; that 
which on mine he commanded me to write was to 
advise your Highness how, by way of France and 
also of Spain, they have written that the King of 
France was exerting himself so that if the Queen 
should marry it should be with the Comte de Foix. 
He told me that I should tell your (Highness) as 
well on my own part, that this would be great 
inconvenience for the estate of your Highness, and 
of the Queen, and of her sons, and that Frenchmen 
entering into that kingdom your Highness could not 
be in security ; and many other things about this 
which I do not say, because they are more to his 
purpose than to that of your Highness. And that 
your Highness may provide in that which is most 
necessary, and that you may see what is most 
conducive to your service, it suffices to let you 
know this, without more apprehension or advices ; 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 81 

because, as refers to your Highness, I consider such 
things improper. 

That which I venture to supplicate your Highness 
is, that, whatever be the dispositions that your 
Highness shall see entertained on this affair, you 
will not so act as that it may arrive at effect ; for I 
thus figure it to myself, that it must be that your 
Highness entertains this business in order to 
terminate my marriage ;* because with this bait I 
believe that, as to that which concerns me, things 
will be done better than the past, when some one 
comes who knows how to arrange and disinvolve 
them as I have written to your Highness. 

And now I will not cease to return to it here, to 
supplicate your Highness that he who shall have 
to come may have the authority and rank that I 
have said, because he has more to do than your 
Highness thinks, or I could tell you. For those of 
this kingdom are as dilatory as any in the world 
in negotiating ; in it (this kingdom) are needed 
more particulars than in any other, especially since 
the necessity is doubled by all being in the state 
that it is, as he who shall come will see. And 
much as I say to your Highness, I cannot give you 
to understand the state in which things are here, 
because, though I knew how to say it to you, I 
think your Highness would not credit me in much 
of it ; and thus the person who should come here, 
informing your Highness of the truth concerning 
what is going on, I believe your Highness would 
be frightened at that which I have passed through : 

1 In his " Studies in English History," Dr. Gairdner points out 
that both Mrs. Green, in printing this, and Mr. Bergenroth, in his 
translation in the Spanish Calendar, have misapprehended the sense 
of this important passage. The original text being slightly muti- 
lated, it is impossible to give a precise translation, but the general 
sense is very different from that given above. " I am sorry to say 
it is not, as Mrs. Green conceived," writes Dr. Gairdner, "that 
Catherine begged her father not so to act that the marriage between 
King Henry and her sister would take effect. She merely expected 
that it would come to nothing, but begged Ferdinand to temporise, 
and seem to favour it till her own marriage was settled." Dr. 
Gairdner prints the original text fori: he first time, p. 159. 
Y.H. G 



82 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

so that as to that which pertains to me and to the 
service of your Highness, I should, beyond a trifle, 
prefer to see such a person as I speak of come 
without the dowry, than the dowry without a suitable 
person. And your Highness may believe I speak 
from experience, the which I have well learned by 
what has passed and continually passes concerning 
me, for want of such a person as I speak of; because 
that, if there were one here who would have devoted 
himself to the service of your Highness, my tribula- 
tions would not have arrived at such an extreme ; 
since, also, they would not have placed me as a 
pledge to make peace — they would not have consented 
that I should lead such a life. But, as I have written 
to your Highness, that which I feel as most importu- 
nate is to see myself in such a situation, and that 
there is no one who will contradict it. If the 
ambassador whom your Highness has here were a 
man, he would not have consented — even though I 
were not to be married to the Prince, — were it only 
considering whose daughter I am, that I should be 
in this kingdom, with such a company in my house 
that I am indignant to think of it ; for in comparison 
of this, all the other things that I have passed through 
I think little of. And thus I am doubly desirous 
on this account for my remedy, that I may not see 
myself as never knight's daughter was seen in the 
kingdom of your Highness. 

It is certain that I desire that at the least your 
Highness should let the King of England, my lord, 
know how this is felt, — above all, since you are not 
in a case not to satisfy him, I being in such a 
manner in his kingdom, as I told him a few days 
ago. And I spoke so well that I should rejoice to 
give account of it to your Highness, only that an 
affair of such length is not to be put in writing. I 
hope since your Highness knows all, you will provide 
in the manner that I have entreated you, and 
therefore I will not detain myself in telling your 
Highness many continual troubles that I have passed 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 83 

through ; because, since I expect so speedy a remedy, 
I do not desire to give more trouble than that which, 
by my past letters, I have given to your Highness, 
since this suffices to enable you to judge that all the 
rest is of the same fashion. 

The shortness of the return of your Highness 
consoles me, since with it I hope all will be remedied, 
since your Highness showed that you care for me, 
as indeed I need it. 

The King rejoiced much in seeing the speedy 
attention that your Highness intended to give about 
the coming of the dowry. May it please God that it 
may come at the time that is hoped for — because I 
fear, and not without cause, to think that it should 
not be so ; and for this reason, that it concerns my 
interest rather than that of your Highness. I hold 
it for certain that it is not necessary that I have 
made haste to write, although in fear from its not 
being in cipher, and from not sending it by one of my 
own people. But I believe as to that they go by as 
good a messenger as though he that takes them 
were of my house, because I send them by a faithful 
person to Martin Sanchez de Camudio, in order that 
he himself may take them to your Highness. 

May it please our Lord that they may arrive 
at the time that your Highness has arrived, because, 
according to what is reported, they tell me that your 
Highness is so already. 

The King himself acknowledged the diligence 
which I have given in answering your Highness in 
that which concerns him, and I, as well to content 
him, am glad to let him (know) that which your 
Highness commands me ; that in reference to the 
King, while in the meantime your Highness is pro- 
viding, I may act as hitherto your Highness has 
rightly commanded me, according to that which falls 
in most with the service of your Highness. And 
that nothing may be hindered by me, I do as I have 
always done, since I cannot improve upon it ; and 
thus I shall act until your Highness sends to give 

g 2 



84 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

remedy in my life, which is greatly needed. And 
thus I conclude, supplicating your Highness so to 
act that I may be here favoured by your Highness ; 
and that you may show that you hold me in esteem, 
although I may not merit it ; because if your High- 
ness should desire it, it is in your power that things 
may not be as they have been hitherto. 

That which I say in this letter may suffice in 
reference to your Highness, and that minute that 
I sent with the King's packet was what I showed 
to the King as the meaning of that which I wrote 
in his affair. And because, in truth, he might have 
had it shown to him, I sent it to your Highness. 1 
He commanded me that I should add, that if the 
marriage which I have spoken of with the Comte 
de Foix should take place, that in length of time 
Spain would come to be joined to the Crown of 
France ; and as for himself, that he considers him- 
self as a true son of your Highness. When your 
Highness writes to him, I entreat you to show him 
that in this affair I have the same good will which 
I show to him. 

May our Lord guard the life and most royal estate 
of your Highness, and increase it as I desire. The 
humble servant of your Highness, who kisses your 
hands. 1 

Ferdinand at last sent Catherine some money for her relief 

— two thousand ducats, it appears, from one of her later 

letters. It was not necessary, she wrote, in thanking him, 

to apologize for the smallness of the gift, because there could 

be no doubt that he would have sent more if it had been 

possible for him to do so. No woman, she continued, of 

whatever station in life, could have suffered more than she 

had. None of the promises made to her on the occasion of 

her marriage had been kept, and she repeated once more that 

1 The minute alluded to is doubtless the preceding letter. This 
passage shows clearly the double part which Catherine had to play. 
She wrote the first letter, read it to the King, as the exposition of 
her communications with her father on the subject — and then sent 
it only for fear the King should have the packet opened and conse- 
quently miss it ! 






LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 85 

which had formed a principal part of all her letters, namely, 
the necessity of sending a suitable ambassador with sufficient 
means of subsistence. She had never, she declared, told him 
the full extent of her misery. She had been treated worse in 
England, indeed, than any other woman. She again paid a 
splendid tribute to the unselfish devotion of her servants, 
beseeching her father not to forsake them, especially her 
women, of whom she had only five left in her service. 
" They have never received the smallest sum of money since 
they were in England, and have spent all that they possessed. 
She cannot think of them without pangs of conscience. No 
money could pay their services and sacrifices, which have 
continued during six years. 5 ' 1 

Having scraped together this small gift, Ferdinand, who 
was still delayed in his return to Spain, again entreated the 
King of England, through Puebla, to grant a further delay 
of six months in the payment of the remaining portion of 
the marriage dowry. 2 This Henry VII., more inscrutable 
than ever, consented to with surprising readiness, begging in 
response to be informed of all that concerned the King 
of Arragon, and promising to lend him any assistance in his 
power. 3 Catherine shrewdly guessed at the reason for this 
complaisance in her letter from Woodstock of September 7 : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[Woodstock, September 7, 1507.] 

The difficulty to catch the King of England, my 
lord, in this his hunting season, has much delayed 
the despatch of this courier. For until now he has 
never remained in any place where business could 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., pp. 422-3. 

2 Ferdinand's financial straits are difficult to understand in view 
of the report of his reputed wealth sent from Spain in 1505, 
and printed in Gairdner's "Memorials of Henry VII.," p. 279: 
" Your Grace shall understand that the said King is reported to be 
very rich. For as long as the Queen [Isabella] lived, he spent nothing 
of his revenues of the realms of Arragon and Sicily, but had a certain 
sum out of the Crown of Castile for to maintain his estate withal. 
And so he ever gathered a great treasure, the which he hath caused 
always to be kept in the Castle of Schatyva, six or eight leagues from 
Valencia." 

3 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., p. 425. 



86 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

be transacted with him, especially as the Doctor de 
Puebla is in such a condition that he has to go 
in a litter from his house to the palace. With 
respect to that which was still wanting to complete 
the payment of the dowry, the King of England has 
given a very liberal answer, and, according to what 
he has told me, granted all your Highness's demands. 
Judging from my knowledge of him, he is rather glad 
than sorry for these prorogations, although he would 
make us believe the reverse. He does not lose any- 
thing thereby ; on the contrary, if your Highness 
considers it well, he is the gainer. For, as he has 
told me, so long as he is not entirely paid, he regards 
me as bound, and his son as free. He [his son] is not 
yet so old that delay is disagreeable. Thus mine is 
always the worst part ; for, as I have written to your 
Highness, these delays double my difficulties. To 
him it seems that it is by no means sufficiently bad 
that I suffer by the non-fulfilment of the treaty ; he 
takes no notice of the inconveniences which I have 
had and still have. What he now does is to glorify 
himself for his magnanimity in waiting so long. 
Because your Highness has his business in your 
hands, he keeps himself apparently more within 
bounds than usual, in order that you may not oppose 
him ; but in his deeds he has never improved. What 
will be in the future I do not yet know. 

This is what I answer to the Doctor de Puebla 
when he speaks to me of the goodwill the King of 
England now shows. I say to him that I do not 
know who prevents him from fulfilling his good 
intentions, if it is not he [Puebla] who carries on 
the negotiations with him. I therefore beseech your 
Highness not to believe what the Doctor de Puebla 
writes to } 7 ou, if it is not in accordance with what I 
state. For he is more a vassal of the King of 
England than a servant of your Highness, and he 
cannot do otherwise than praise what he has 
bedaubed with mud. 1 Would God your Highness 

1 Sic. This (writes Bergenroth) may be an error of the cipherer or 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 87 

were truthfully informed of how affairs are carried on. 
What I beg your Highness to do is to read my former 
letters, and thereby judge what the present state of 
things must be, and then to give such orders as may 
seem right to you. Your Highness must trust no 
one, and consider nothing as true in this case, except 
what I write you, until your Highness sends such an 
ambassador as I have asked for. Then I shall no 
longer be obliged to write, and he may state what he 
sees, and remedy it. I, therefore, beseech your High- 
ness not to neglect what I have so often begged of 
your Highness in my letters, that is to say, that your 
Highness should send a person who possesses those 
qualities which I have named. If you do so I firmly 
hope things will not continue as in the past. I also 
entreat your Highness to find means for me to be 
delivered from my painful situation, and get rid of 
my debts. They come every day to affront me, and to 
ask payment. Especially since your Highness sent 
me the two thousand ducats I am in the greatest 
difficulties in the world. I did not know which wants 
to satisfy, and thought the most necessary was to 
redeem the plate which I had pledged, and pay some 
debts which it would have been shameful not to pay. 
Besides, I had to buy things most necessary for my- 
self, so that I could not pay my servants. I tell your 
Highness all these details, which I would rather not 
state, in order that your Highness may find means 
to ascertain by whom I and my men and women are 
to be provided for. They are in absolute misery, and 
I know no other remedy than to inform your Highness 
of it, hoping that you will amend all. . . . 

Catherine, who proved an extremely apt pupil in this crafty 
school of diplomacy, must have written a cordial letter to 
Henry VII. but a short time before she wrote these scathing 
criticisms to her father, for on the very same day we find 
Henry thanking her for her kind enquiries after his health 

decipherer. As the original despatch in cipher is not extant, it 
cannot be ascertained. 



88 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

" and for expressing so ardent a desire to see him again." 
He learns by her letter, also, that she is in need of help, and 
tells her that he has already ordered that £200 should be 
paid to her household. " If she is in want, it is therefore the 
fault of her servants." He adds that he has ordered William 
Holibrand to send an account of how the money is spent, 
" and at the same time, and without delay, to pay as much 
money as she wants for her person and servants, so that she 
may not only not suffer from indigence, but be able to live 
honourably. Loves her so much," he concludes, " that he 
cannot bear the idea of her being in poverty." 1 

How thoroughly Catherine was learning the art of dissimu- 
lation may also be judged in her own words : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[October 4, 1507.] 

Most high and mighty Lord, 

I despatched a messenger on the 23rd of September 
by way of Flanders, with letters from me, in order 
that they might be committed to a courier, who would 
convey them from Antwerp to your Highness. On 
account of not being sure of the safety of letters sent 
from England, it would have been dangerous, or at 
any rate might have been considered suspicious, if 
it had been known that another courier had been 
despatched, it being so short a time since the last one 
set off. Therefore it was necessary for me to send 
my letters by the above-mentioned route. 

Your Highness will learn by them that the cause 
that induced me to write to you with so much haste 
was that I had discovered Doctor de Puebla had 
been making attempts to prevent your Highness from 
carrying out your intention of sending a competent 
ambassador to come hither, together with the dowry. 
For that reason I made known my wishes very plainly 
to your Highness, although in all my former letters I 
had given you to understand the same thing. But 
I feared as abovesaid, that the Doctor would make 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., September 7, 1507. 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 89 

false promises to do more than he could or would 
accomplish. Moreover, as your Highness is not able 
to see what passes here, I also feared that the Doctor 
might succeed in making your Highness listen to what 
he wished, rather than to the truth, and to what I 
have asked you for. On this account I have written 
so soon again. For I wish to undeceive your High- 
ness respecting what is requisite for your service, and 
the remedy to be found for me. I assure your High- 
ness that I have not changed from what I wrote. 
It seems to me that Doctor de Puebla is sending this 
courier to your Highness, and he has told me to 
make haste. But as I do not know whether what 
he writes be true, I beg your Highness that nothing 
which he may say or write to you may be credited, 
excepting in so far as it shall agree with what I say. 
For if what I say be contrary to what he reports, 
your Highness may be assured that what he writes 
is also contrary to the interests of your Highness. 
Your Highness must not hasten or inconvenience 
yourself, whatever Doctor de Puebla may say to 
your Highness in order to make you go beyond 
what I have asked. For as I have hoped for the 
best in the most troubled seasons, I am not going 
to ruin myself 1 now that your Highness is in a 
state of such increased prosperity. This I say, 
because Doctor de Puebla puts more difficulties 
than ever in the way of my marriage being concluded. 
For instance, he has told me, and also the King of 
England, that an ambassador of his, who is in France, 
has written to him, saying the King of France told 
him that when he saw your Highness he asked you 
if my marriage was to take place, and that your 
Highness said it had not taken place, nor did you 
believe it would be concluded. The King of France 
told this to the ambassador of the King of England, 
that he might give his master information of it. 
When Doctor de Puebla said this to me, I answered 
nothing. But when the King of England told me, I 
1 Literally, " to drown myself." 



9 o THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

answered that I could not bear to have such a thing 
said as that your Highness had spoken differently 
from what you had written in your letters. I also 
gave him to understand that your Highness could not 
say that a thing would not be done which was already 
irrevocable. I also said that even if this were not 
so, your Highness knew what my wish was, namely, 
that I should not be taken out of the power of the 
King of England even if I were to die for it, 1 and that 
that would be sufficient of itself for your Highness. 2 

At the same time I said many flattering things 
to him, with which I pleased him, and everything 
went off very well. He replied to me, that he well 
knew your Highness desired my marriage, because 
it was a matter that suited you well, and that he 
could not tell what was the cause which had led to 
such a thing being said. I could not draw from him 
the avowal that he really believed that your Highness 
had said it, which pleased me more than if he had 
believed so, but I would not show it. Finally, I 
satisfied him well in many ways, too long to repeat 
here, always showing him that my marriage was a 
thing which could not be undone. When he gave 
me to understand that there was nothing done which 
need prevent your Highness on your part, and him 
on his, from disposing of your children in another 
manner, I told him that I could not comprehend 
him, and that I did not like to take it in the sense 
he meant. 

Also, with regard to his marriage, he told me 
conjointly with the other story, that he had heard 
how the King of France had sent ambassadors 
respecting the marriage of Monsieur de Foix, and 
that there was much delay in the answer to be given 
to his proposal. He said this was injurious to him 
because he was expecting an embassy to come shortly 
from the King of the Romans, who were bringing him 

1 Meaning that she would rather die in England than give up 
the marriage. 

2 Not to tell the King of France that her marriage with the Prince 
of Wales was unlikely to take place. 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 91 

the assent to his marriage with the Duchess of Savoy, 
and the marriage of Prince Charles with his daughter. 
It occasioned him great perplexity, he said, to have 
to remain undecided while he was waiting the answer 
of your Highness. On this account he begged me to 
write to your Highness, requesting you to make haste. 
For that whatever the answer might prove he wished 
to have it, in order that he might know what to do. 
But I should be afraid of him if the answer were not 
to accord with his wishes, for he has partly declared 
to me his intention. I bait him with this [the marriage 
with Dona Juana], as I have written to your Highness, 
and his words and professions have changed for the 
better, although his acts remain the same. 

I also believe that Doctor de Puebla is the cause 
why they humble themselves so much to me, as well 
on account of the King as to keep me contented. 
For they fancy that I have no more in me than what 
appears outwardly, and that I shall not be able to 
fathom his designs, or to acquaint your Highness 
with the truth as respects what is requisite for your 
interests, but that I shall content myself with his 
promises as though I had not had experience of 
them. I dissimulate with him, however, and praise 
all that he does. I even tell him that I am very well 
treated by the King, and that I am very well contented ; 
and I say everything that I think may be useful to me 
with the King, because, in fact, the Doctor is the 
adviser of the King, and I would not dare to say 
anything to him, except what I should wish the King 
to know. On former occasions I tried the contrary 
course with him, but it was injurious to me, nor was 
it of any use in obtaining a remedy for me. For, 
whatever I said to him, he did nothing but justify 
the King, and say that no new matters should be 
stirred up. I therefore considered that the better 
plan was to dissimulate with him, and to take no 
notice of his being ambassador, as he does none of 
the things which belong to such an office ; especially 
now his illness has laid him so completely aside that 



92 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

he could be of no use even though he were to desire 
it. He is nearer to the other world than to this. 

Whenever I speak to him, he does nothing but 
beg me to write and assure your Highness that he 
is performing wonders. I tell him to have no anxiety, 
for I always take upon myself the office of writing to 
your Highness the truth respecting what he does. 
He has likewise told me I ought to write to your 
Highness, begging you that when you write to the 
King of England, my lord, you should also write to 
the Lord Chamberlain, because he is the person who 
can do most in private with the King. As it seems 
to me that to do this will be of use rather than an 
injury, I think it well to entreat your Highness to 
write to him with much love. Tell him that I have 
written to your Highness to ask him to see what 
he can do here for me, and how much your Highness 
will be pleased if he does so. Make him, moreover, 
many offers on your Highness's part and on mine, so 
that Doctor de Pueblamaynot give it out for his own 
doing. May your Highness do according to my 
request, and I will not say more now. For what 
I have written is enough, in order that your High- 
ness may provide a remedy for me and for your 
service, with the diligence that you will see to be 
requisite, but not by the means which Doctor de 
Puebla suggests. . . . 

With all her astuteness Catherine did not succeed in 
discovering the subtle plot which Henry VII. was even then 
hatching with Maximilian in connexion with his grandson 
Prince Charles — grandson also of Ferdinand II. Henry knew 
that he could serve his ends just as well by betrothing his 
daughter Mary to Prince Charles of Castile, as by himself 
marrying the Prince's insane mother, and before the end of 
the year he signed a treaty to that effect, besides making a 
league with Maximilian and Prince Charles for mutual 
defence. These engagements threatened the interests of 
both Ferdinand and Catherine. They were only in process 
of discussion, however, when Catherine wrote the letter 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 93 

which follows to her afflicted sister Juana, first referring to 
her stay in England with her husband some eighteen months 
before, and then urging Henry's suit with an eagerness that 
not even her own unfortunate plight can excuse. Poor crazy 
Juana, it must be remembered, was still carrying about with 
her the corpse of her late husband, declining all requests to 
bury him, convinced that in due course he would come to 
life again : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO QUEEN JUANA. 
[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[Richmond, October 25, 1507.] 

Most noble and most mighty Princess, Queen and 
Lady, 

After having kissed the royal hands of your 
Highness and humbly commended myself to you, I 
have to express the very great pleasure it gave me to 
see you in this kingdom, and the distress which filled 
my heart, a few hours afterwards, on account of your 
sudden and hasty departure. My lord the King was 
also much disappointed in consequence of it, and if 
he had acted as he secretly wished, he would by every 
possible means have prevented your journey. But as 
he is a very passionate King, it was thought advisable 
by his Council that they should tell him he ought not 
to interfere between husband and wife. 1 On which 
account, and for other secret causes with which I 
was very well acquainted, he concealed the feelings 
occasioned by the departure of your Highness, 
although it is very certain that it weighed much 
upon his heart. 

The great affection he has felt, and still feels, 
towards your Royal Highness from that time until 
now, is well known. I could not in truth express, 
even though I were to use much paper, the pleasure 
which my lord the King and I felt on hearing that 
the King, our lord and father, had returned to Castile, 
and was abiding there with your Highness, and that 
he was obeyed throughout all the kingdom, peace 

1 Philip is generally said to have treated his wife badly. 



94 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

and concord prevailing everywhere. It is true that I 
have experienced, and am still experiencing, some 
sorrow and depression of mind on account of having 
heard, a few days ago, that the French have taken a 
large and beautiful city called Tilmote (?), belonging 
to my nephew, and that all his subjects and the 
whole land are in great fear of the French. Where- 
fore, as a remedy for everything, and not less for the 
destruction and chastisement of the Duke of Gelders, 
his rebel, I have ventured to write these lines to your 
Highness, entreating you to hearken to my wishes 
respecting this matter. I have, moreover, written to 
my lord the King, our father, about this business, 
which is of great advantage and importance to your 
Highness, to the increase of your State, and tran- 
quility and welfare of your subjects, and those of the 
said Prince, my nephew, and which also affects my 
lord the King of England. He is a Prince who is 
feared and esteemed at the present day by all 
Christendom, as being very wise, and possessed of 
immense treasures, and having at his command 
powerful bodies of excellent troops. Above all, he is 
endowed with the greatest virtues, according to all 
that your Highness will have heard respecting him. 
If what my lord the King, our father, shall say to 
you should please, as I think it will please, your 
Highness, I do not doubt but that your Highness 
will become the most illustrious and the most powerful 
Queen in the world. Moreover, nothing will more 
conduce to your pleasure and satisfaction, and the 
security of the kingdom of your Highness. In 
addition to all this, it will double the affection 
existing between my lord the King, our father, and 
my lord the King of England. It will also lead to 
the whole of Africa being conquered within a very 
short time, and in the hands of the Christian subjects 
of your Highness, and of my lord the King, our 
father. I entreat your Highness to pardon me for 
having written to you, and for having meddled in so 
great and high a matter. God knows what my 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 95 

wishes are, as I have already said ; and I have not 
found it possible to resist the desire I felt to write to 
you, as it appears to me that if I had done so, I 
should have committed a great sin against God, 
against the King, our lord and father, and against 
your Highness, whose life and royal estate may our 
Lord guard and increase. The Princess of Wales. 

Ferdinand now wrote to dispose of certain rumours about 
which both Puebla and Catherine had written to him, as 
well as to renew his promises concerning the overdue 
balance of the dowry and the proposed marriage between 
the English King and Juana : 

FERDINAND II. TO DOCTOR DE PUEBLA. 
[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[End of 1507 or beginning of 1508.] 

I have seen your letters of the 3rd of September 
and 5th of October, and the letters of the most 
serene King of England, my brother, which you sent 
me by two messengers. I had great pleasure in 
learning the good news respecting his health and 
prosperity which you write me. For, certainly, I 
bear him the love of a true brother, and rejoice and 
am pleased to hear of his prosperity and good success 
as much as of my own. I am also glad to know 
the good news which you write me about the most 
illustrious Prince and Princess of Wales, my children. 
Our Lord guard all of them, and may I hear always 
as good news of all of them as I desire. 

I was also pleased with the prorogation of the 
payment of the dowry, which the most serene King 
of England, my brother, sent me, and with the 
gracious manner in which he granted it. Well 
knowing the good reasons which he had for doing 
so, I did not expect anything else from his Serenity. 
Tell him, in my name, the great pleasure I have 
received from this, and that I thank him much. I 
hold it for certain, that before the time of this last 
prorogation is over, I shall send him the payment of 



96 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

the dowry, and provide for everything to his satis- 
faction. You did very well to inform me of the 
names of the merchants through whose banks the 
money can be sent by bills of exchange. Thus, I 
can choose the manner which seems best to me, 
but in one way or other I certainly shall, as I have 
said, fulfil my obligations within the time mentioned. 
When I send the said payment I shall write to you 
how I think that the marriage between the illustrious 
Prince and Princess, my children, is to be performed. 

You say that the ambassador of the King of 
England in France wrote that the King of France 
told him in secret that I had said that the marriage 
of the said most illustrious Prince and Princess oi 
Wales, my children, was not concluded, and that I 
did not even think that it would be concluded. Such 
a thing has never been said or dreamt of, nor can a 
single word [to that effect] be remembered. On the 
contrary, the King of France held and holds this 
marriage for concluded, and I know that he would 
not do anything to its prejudice. The English 
ambassador in France wrote that the King of France 
has sent me an embassy about a marriage of the 
Queen of Castile, my daughter, with Monsieur de 
Foix. That is also a falsehood. I am very angry 
that such things are said there as never have been 
thought or dreamt of here. These are things which 
I would not do for the empire of the world, and I 
know well that the King of France would not tempt 
me in this matter on any account. As the things 
which the English ambassador in France writes are 
untrue, it is unreasonable to believe them. The 
ambassador whom the King of France has sent to 
me has only come to reside at my court, and, as we 
are friends, to inform me of his good news. That is 
true as gospel, and the King of England may be easy 
in this respect. 

Concerning the marriage of the King of England, 
my brother, with the Queen of Castile, my daughter 
as I have written in former letters, if the Queen, m 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 97 

daughter, is to marry, I shall never consent that she 
weds with any one else than the King of England, 
my brother, and shall employ with the greatest love 
and goodwill all my industry and energy to promote 
that. But you must know that the said Queen, my 
daughter, still carries about with her the corpse of 
King Philip, her late husband. Before I arrived 
they could never persuade her to bury him, and since 
my arrival she has declared that she does not wish 
the said corpse to be buried. On account of her 
health, and in order to content her, I do not contra- 
dict her in anything, nor wish that anything be done 
that could excite her ; but I shall endeavour to 
persuade her by degrees to permit the corpse to be 
buried. When I arrived she had made up her mind 
that, on the anniversary of his death, the usual 
honours should be paid to the King, her husband, 
and until the ceremonies of the " end of the year" 
were performed, I did not like to mention the 
marriage to her. When the ceremonies were over 
I touched on this matter, in order to know whether 
v she was inclined to marry, without, however, men- 
tioning any person. She answered that in every 
thing she would do what I advised or commanded, 
but that she begged me not to command her to give 
an answer to my question until the corpse of her 
husband should be buried. That done [she said], 
she would answer me. Considering these circum- 
stances, I do not urge her until the said corpse shall 
be buried, because I think it would rather produce an 
unfavourable impression. I have sent to Rome for a 
brief, in order to try whether she could thereby be 
persuaded to bury the corpse sooner. When it is 
buried I shall again speak with her, in order to know 
her intentions with respect to a marriage ; and if I 
find her inclined, I shall not permit that it be with 
any one except with the King of England, my 
brother. I shall then also write what I think oi 
the conditions, with respect to which I have great 
pleasure in knowing that the said King, my brother, 
y.h. h 



98 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

is vSo ready to consult my interests and my 
honour. . . . 

In the letters in which Puebla had mentioned the rumours 
now denied by Ferdinand, 1 it was also reported that the 
King of France had stated that, " as the Prince of Wales 
was not to marry the Princess Catherine, it was his wish 
that the Prince should marry the sister of the Duke of 
Angouleme." "All this," added Puebla, " had been told by 
the King of France to the English ambassador. The King 
of England is much astonished to hear such things." At the 
end of the same letter he writes : " There is no finer a youth 
in the world than the Prince of Wales. He is already taller 
than his father, and his limbs are of a gigantic size. He is as 
prudent as is to be expected from a son of Henry VII." The 
English King had reason to be proud of his stalwart son, and 
there is little doubt that he was perfectly ready at this period 
to cancel the marriage treaty with Catherine if anything 
better turned up. In the following summer, just before the 
Prince's seventeenth birthday, there was a rumour to the 
effect that he was to marry the late King of Castile's 
daughter, Eleanor, sister of Charles, who had but lately 
been betrothed by Henry VII. and Maximilian to Henry's 
younger daughter Mary : 

THE PROVOST OF CASSEL TO MARGARET OF SAVOY. 
["Letters and Papers, Henry VII." Rolls Series.] 

[London, June 14, 1508.] 

. . . Madam, that I may conceal nothing from 
you, I think that in the end you will hear of the 
marriage of my Lord the Prince of Wales and Madam 
Eleanor, whatever I may have written of it to you 
heretofore ; nevertheless a month hence I will write 
to you with greater certainty than I can do at 
present. Thus much I know for truth, and the 
Commander de Haro has said publicly, that the King 
of France, as true ally and friend of the King of 
Arragon, has lately written to the King of England 
urging him very earnestly for the accomplishment of 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., p. 437. 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 99 

the marriage of Lady Catherine of Spain with my 
Lord the Prince of Wales. And I have been told the 
King of England was not very well pleased at the 
King of France interfering in the matter so far. 
Moreover they say my said Lord the Prince is hardly 
much inclined to it. Nevertheless, Madam, in a short 
time we shall know more. . . . 

It is possible that some fresh matrimonial alliance had 
suggested itself to the English King at this period, for 
six days later we find the same Provost of Cassel writing 
again to his mistress, the Archduchess Margaret, telling how 
Henry VII. had proposed to him a mysterious plan by which 
Ferdinand might be deprived by the Emperor Maximilian of 
all influence in Castile. The details would only be disclosed 
by the King of England to Maximilian himself, but the 
enterprise, he declared, " would make the King of the Romans 
much-greater than any man had ever been for a long time 
past." The meeting never took place, Ferdinand himself 
playing a deeper and more successful game in the shuffling 
of the cards which was then taking place in Europe. He 
was probably aware that Henry could at any time marry the 
Prince of Wales to the sister of the Duke of Angouleme, 
if he wished to secure the alliance of France. Edmund 
Wingfield, one of the English ambassadors in the Low 
Countries, wrote to Margaret towards the end of 1508 1 to 
effect that the King of France had proposed this match at 
divers times, and that the King of England had constantly 
rejected the offers, though the French King had been ready 
to make great sacrifices : 

But as the King of France could not be induced to 
dissolve the alliance with the King of Arragon on any 
other terms, the King of England would condescend 
to accept either the marriage or the alliance. It is 
known that the King of France greatly desires this 
marriage and alliance, and it is therefore probable 
that, if he could obtain them, he would make peace 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. I., pp, 467-8. 

H Z 



ioo THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

with the Emperor, and give up his alliance with the 
King of Arragon. As she and the Cardinal of Gurk 
are to be present at the conferences of Cambrai, he 
begs them to broach these matters to the Cardinal of 
Amboise. But it must be understood that it is to be 
kept secret, that these proposals come from the King 
of England. If it should be found that the King of 
France is inclined to enter into the negotiations, the 
Emperor must write to King Henry, and beg him to 
consent to either the alliance or the marriage. 

Henry's aim, had he succeeded in separating France and 
Arragon, was to supplant Ferdinand in Castile, and rule that 
kingdom himself through Maximilian. This little plot, how- 
ever, never matured, Ferdinand emerging stronger than ever 
from the shameful conference at Cambrai, where he settled 
his differences with Maximilian, and joined with him, as well 
as with Pope Julius II. and the King of France, against the 
unfortunate republic of Venice, England's ancient ally, and 
Christendom's stoutest wall against the ever-threatening 
Turk. Fortunately for England's good name, Henry himself 
held no share in this secret compact, though his absence 
from such a coalition — whether invited or not — shows that 
his matrimonial schemes had only succeeded in landing 
him in a position of dangerous isolation. Ferdinand, again 
holding a commanding position in Europe, was now in no 
mood to be trifled with. He had already sent over a new 
and abler negotiator to Henry in Gomez de Fuensalida, the 
proud Knight Commander of Membrilla, in order to relieve 
Puebla of his post and to complete the marriage treaty one 
way or the other. 

Fuensalida found the English King by no means prepared 
to put up with his haughty Spanish airs after the cringing 
humility of Puebla. The new ambassador told Ferdinand 
that even if Henry decided against this second marriage, his 
own opinion was that the King would still decline to give up 
his daughter-in-law. Ferdinand, however, refused to believe 
this. " For the love I bear the Princess of Wales," he wrote 
in July (1508), "and the esteem in which I hold her, are so 
great, that if such a thing were to happen, which God forbid, 




Emery Walker, Photo 
HENRY VII 
From the portrait in the National Portrait Gallery, painted in 1505 by an unknown 
Flemish artist 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 101 

I would risk my person and my kingdom, and that of my 
daughter the Queen, with the greatest readiness, in order to 
make a worse war on the King of England than on the 
Turks. The King of England must keep faith in this 
matter, or, if not, the world may perish. This I say in order 
that you may know my determination." 1 And, for once, he 
probably meant what he said. 

War with England, indeed, would probably have resulted 
but for the advice which Ferdinand proceeds to state that he 
has received from the King of France, to the effect that 
Henry VII. " is in the last stage of consumption, and that 
he therefore thinks it will not be worth while to do much in 
the matter before the death of the King." It was true that 
Henry's strength was now visibly declining, though in the 
preceding autumn he had seemed to Puebla better and 
stronger than he had been for the last twenty years. 2 
Ferdinand, therefore, like everyone else who foresaw the 
impending change, turned towards the rising sun. " In any 
case," he continues in the same letter, " whether the said 
nuptials be concluded or delayed, or whether Henry act well 
or ill in the matter, Membrilla must speak kindly to the 
Prince of Wales. He must dwell on the great love which 
King Ferdinand bears him, and assure him that he may 
command him and his realm in anything, as well as the 
Queen of Castile. In a word, he must make use of all the 
means in his power for bringing the marriage to a speedy 
conclusion." 

This, however, was easier said than done, for Henry VII., 
knowing that, so long as he retained Catherine as hostage, 
he held the trump card and was safe from attack, now 
demanded further concessions. He was resolved among 
other things that the rest of the marriage portion should 
now be paid in money, without taking as part payment any 
jewels, gold or plate ; that the whole of the dowry should be 
so settled upon him and his heirs that neither Ferdinand nor 
Catherine, nor their heirs, should at any time be able to 
demand its restitution ; and also that Ferdinand must ratify 
the treaty of marriage recently concluded between Princess 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. L, p. 460. 

2 Ibid., p. 439. 



102 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Mary and the young Prince of Castile. Naturally these 
were all distasteful terms to the Spanish Sovereign, especially 
the last, but Henry — as suspicious of Ferdinand's aims as 
was Ferdinand himself of Henry's designs on Castile — was 
inexorable, and continued to treat Fuensalida with the 
scantest courtesy. 

Meantime that ambassador discovered what he regarded as 
graver anxieties in Catherine's own household, though it was 
not until the following March that he ventured to disclose 
any of these to his royal master. Even then he hesitated to 
breathe a word of scandal until he came to the conclusion 
that there was nothing else to be done. The correspondence 
on the subject must be read with caution, because Fuensalida, 
whose mission had been a failure, and had been recalled 
because of Henry's impossible attitude towards him, would 
naturally be anxious to throw the blame on other shoulders. 
There is no doubt that he quarrelled with Catherine's con- 
fessor from the first, and hated him like poison. His charges, 
however, cannot be dismissed, though the dark suspicions 
formulated by Bergenroth in his introduction to the supple- 
mentary volume of the Spanish Calendar, in which the 
letters first saw the light, have since been discredited, 
Dr. Gairdner, indeed, passing them by in silence. 1 But, since 
later writers like Martin Hume have not hesitated to accept 
Bergenroth's interpretation of the correspondence, it becomes 
necessary to allow the letters themselves, as far as possible, 
to speak for themselves : 

THE KNIGHT COMMANDER OF MEMBRILLA TO 
FERDINAND II. 
[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[London, March 4, 1509.] 

Catholic and most powerful Lord, 

Much have I laboured to depart spotless from 
England, and to save your Majesty from vexation> 
hoping from day to day that the marriage of the 
Princess of Wales would take place, and that the 
disorders in the house of the Princess would be 
remedied without annoyance to your Highness. I 

1 " Studies in English History," p. 167. 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 103 

confess that it has been an error, because if I had 
written in time it might have been possible to remedy 
it, and not have gone too far forward ; but it is better 
late, as they say [than never]. Your Highness should 
know that there is much need of a person who can 
rule this household, and that it should be such a 
person whom her Highness holds in honour, and 
those of this house hold in respect, for now the 
household is governed by a young friar, whom the 
Princess has for confessor, and who, being in my 
view, and in that of everyone, unworthy of having 
such a charge, causes the Princess to commit many 
errors. As your Highness knows how full of good- 
ness she is, and so conscientious, this her confessor 
makes a sin of all acts, of whatsoever kind they 
may be, if they displease him, and thus causes her to 
commit many faults. 

This servant of the Princess goes despatched behind 
my back to your Highness, to give time to those who 
wish to make complaints of me. I will not say now 
all the things which have need of correction, sub- 
mitting to the opinion of those your Highness may 
order to interrogate him [the servant] as to the 
condition in which the house of the Princess is, and 
as to the things which for two months past have 
happened, and from his report you will know more of 
it than I should be able to write. If, after having 
been informed of their complaints of me, your 
Highness should desire to know the truth, although 
it may be against me, I will tell it to your Highness 
without lying on any point. Because, however, the 
beginning, and middle, and the end of those disorders 
is this said friar, I say that he is young, and light, 
and haughty, and scandalous in an extreme manner ; 
and the King of England has said to the Princess 
very strong words about him. Because I have said 
something to the Princess which did not appear to 
me right of this friar, and the friar knew it, he has 
been so far able as to put me so much out of favour 
with the Princess that if I had committed some 



104 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

treason she could not have treated me worse ; and I 
have some letters preserved to show to your Highness, 
which the Princess has written to me. 

Certainly, unless I were so faithfully devoted to the 
service of your Highness, neither the dread of losing 
that which I have, nor of putting my life in peril, 
would detain me longer in England. I would already 
be gone, had not the service of your Highness such 
power over me that I have not the free judgment 
which God gave me to do any other thing, except to 
die and serve you. I entreat your Highness that, 
having heard the information which he who brings 
this letter, and who is a servant of the house and 
knows everything, will give, your Highness amend 
the life and the household of the Princess, sending 
her an old and honest confessor and of the order of 
San Francisco, because such an one might stay in 
England with less scandal than this one, and more 
according to the pleasure of the King of England. 

In order that your Highness may know of what 
kind this friar is, I will tell you what he said to me, 
and they were these words exactly, without making 
them worse or better. He said to me : " I know they 
have told many things of me to you." I said to him : 
" Certainly, father, they have said nothing of you to 
me." He said : " I know it, for he who told you 
told me." 

I said to him : " Well, any one can rise as a false 
witness, but I swear to you by the Corpus Christi 
that they have told me nothing which I remember." 
He said : " Be it so, but in this house there are evil 
tongues, and they have slandered me, and not with 
the lowest in the house, but with the highest, and this 
is no disgrace to me, and if it were not for contradicting 
them I should already be gone." 

Certainly I tell the truth to your Highness, that I 
was excited and almost beyond power of restraint 
from laying hands on him. Moreover, the King of 
England, and all the English, abhor so much to see 
such a friar so continually in the palace and amongst 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 105 

the women, that nothing could be more detested by 
them ; and it is not a good token that the King of 
England does not remedy a thing which displeases 
him so much. May our Lord guard and augment 
the life and royal estate of your Majesty, giving you 
greater kingdoms and lordships, as your Highness 
may desire. 

Your Majesty's most humble servant and subject 
who kisses your royal hands. Gutierre Gomez de 

FUENSALIDA. 

From Catherine's defence, written five days later, it is 
clear that even her own household, once so faithful, no longer 
served her without a protest. The root of the trouble was the 
young Franciscan monk of the reformed order of Observants, 
known as Diego Fernandez, who had formed a principal part 
of Catherine's household since April, 1507, when she wrote 
to her father saying that she no longer wished him to send a 
confessor, as she had already " a very good one." He seems 
very effectually to have secured control both of the Princess 
and her little establishment : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 
[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[Richmond, March 9, 1509.] 

Very high and very mighty Lord, 

From a letter which your Highness has written to 
the ambassador I have seen that you have determined 
to send hither a prelate to conduct these negotiations. 
I kiss the hands of your Highness for it, for as things 
here become daily worse, and my life more and more 
insupportable, I can no longer bear this in any 
manner. Those servants whom up to this time I 
have had are no longer of any use to me, because my 
ill fortune wills it that those whom your Highness 
sends hither, however sufficient they might be, have 
always so much crippled your service, and the sending 
of a new ambassador is my only support and comfort. 
Your Highness knows already how much the King of 
England, who does not like to see or to hear this one, 



106 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

would be pleased at it. Not that he is not loyal, but 
I think he does not know how to treat matters. 1 
For as Doctor de Puebla conducted the affairs with 
too great gentleness in everything that regarded the 
interests of this King, so this other behaves with too 
great rigour towards him and his servants, especially 
as I, being dependent on them, cannot make use of 
anything that is not done with moderation. 

Therefore, I beseech your Highness not to forget 
what I have written to you so many times, but 
immediately to send redress, and to determine as to 
the way in which your Highness desires me to live. 
It is impossible for me any longer to endure what I 
have gone through, and still am suffering, from fhe 
unkindness of the King and the manner in which he 
treats me, especially since he has disposed of his 
daughter in marriage to the Prince of Castile, and 
therefore imagines he has no longer any need of your 
Highness, as this has been done without your consent. 
He tries to make me feel this by his want of love, 
although in secret and without confessing it he knows 
that as long as he does not possess the goodwill of 
your Highness, he is wanting in the greatest and 
best part. All this causes me much pain, as being 
against the interest of your Highness, and if I had 
not any other cause, this alone would not permit me 
to let it pass without making you acquainted with it. 
God knows how much I am grieved that I have to 
write you always of so many troubles and difficulties. 
But remembering that I am your daughter, I cannot 
prevail upon myself to conceal them from you, and 
not to beg you to remedy them as your station and 
service require. 

To tell the truth, my necessities have risen so high 
that I do not know how to maintain myself. For I 
have already sold my household goods, as it was 
impossible to avoid it, and I do not know whence I 

1 Dr. Gairdner points out that there is a mistake in the translation 
here. The word " matters " should be " him," meaning King 
Henry. (See " Studies in English History," p. 166.) 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 107 

can have anything else. Some days ago, speaking 
with the King about my wants, he said to me, that 
he was not bound to give my servants food, or even 
to my own self, but that the love he bore me would 
not allow him to do otherwise. From this your 
Highness will see to what a state I am reduced, when 
I am warned that even my food is given me almost 
as alms. What I feel most, is to see all my servants 
in such a ruined state as they are. Although not all 
have served me as they ought, it gives me pain and 
weighs on my conscience that I cannot pay them, 
and send those away who cause me great annoyance, 
especially Juan de Cuero, whose audaciousness it is 
very difficult for me to bear. He is the cause that 
others do not do what they ought to do, and I must 
be silent, owing to my necessities, of which I have 
informed your Highness. 

What afflicts me most is that I cannot in any way 
remedy the hardships of my confessor, whom I 
consider to be the best that ever woman of my 
position had, with respect to his life, as well as to his 
holy doctrine and proficiency in letters, as I have 
oftentimes written to your Highness. It grieves me 
that I cannot maintain him in the way his office and 
my rank demand, because of my poverty, during 
which he has always served me with such labour and 
fatigue as no one else would have undergone. He is 
very faithful in his office as well as in giving good 
advice and a good example, and it seems to me it 
would be ingratitude if I neglected to inform your 
Highness how badly the ambassador has behaved 
towards him. The service of your Highness suffers 
thereby, and I have been much annoyed. 

The reason of it is that the ambassador has 
strongly attached himself to the merchant Francisco 
de Grimaldo, whom he has brought over with him, 
and to a servant of mine, Francisca de Caceres, who, 
by his favour, were about to marry, contrary to my 
wishes. And situated as I am, I had to conceal my 
feelings for the sake of the honour and honesty of 



io8 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

my house. I found myself in so great a difficulty, 
that I could not help giving a bond for a certain sum 
of money, and I believe that if your Highness knew 
the reason which moved me to do so, you would not 
reproach me, but rather recognize me as your 
daughter. On account of the annoyance this woman 
has caused me I sent her away, but the ambassador 
of your Highness received her into his house and at 
his table, which did not seem well to me considering 
his official position as representative of the person of 
your Highness. He has caused me many annoyances 
every day with this merchant, giving me to understand 
that he wanted to go away and to carry off my 
marriage portion, unless I began to pay something of 
what I had promised him. But if my bond is 
attentively considered, it appears that I owe him 
nothing. 

Because the confessor gave me advice in all this, 
the ambassador has quarrelled with him, and when he 
saw how little reason he had to do so, he tried to 
excuse himself by saying that the confessor meddled 
in the affairs of the embassy. I swear by the life of 
your Highness, which is the greatest oath I can 
make, that that is not the case. I sent him to ask for 
the [marriage] treaty, of which I wanted to see one 
article. As the King does not like that I should see 
it, I was forced to send and to ask it from him. On 
account of this he grew angry, and permitted himself 
to be led so far as to say things which are not fit to 
be written to your Highness, and of which I shall 
only observe that he has had no regard for the service 
of your Highness and the honour of my house, and 
said what is not true. I therefore entreat your High- 
ness to write to him, and to give him to understand 
that you are not well served, and I do not consent 
that my confessor be treated in such a manner. 

Your Highness would render me a signal service if 
you would write to him [the confessor] another letter, 
telling him that you are satisfied with the manner in 
which he serves me, and commanding him to continue 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 109 

and not to forsake me. For, in consequence of what 
the ambassador has said to him, he asks me leave 
every day, and I think, on no condition will he remain 
here if your Highness does not force him to do so. 
As I am in great want of such a person as he is, I 
implore your Highness to prevent him [from going 
away] ; and to write also to the King that your 
Highness has commanded this father to stay with me, 
and to beg him that for the love of your Highness he 
should order that he be very well treated and 
humoured ; and to tell the prelates that your 
Highness is pleased with his staying here. For the 
greatest comfort in my troubles is the consolation 
and the support he gives me. Your Highness may 
believe that I feel myself reduced to such a state, that 
I send almost in despair this my servant to your 
Highness to implore you not to forget that I am your 
daughter, and how much I have suffered for your service 
and how much [my sufferings] continually increase. 

Do not let me perish in this way, but write directly 
by this messenger what you decide ; otherwise, in the 
condition in which I am now, I am afraid I might do 
something which neither the King of England nor 
your Highness, who has much more weight, would 
be able to prevent, unless, and that is necessary, you 
send for me so that I may conclude my few remaining 
days in serving God. That would be the greatest good 
I could have in this world. God guard your High- 
ness's life and the royal estate, and augment it as I 
desire. 

I beseech your Highness soon to send back this 
messenger, and to give him money for his return. In 
order to provide him what was necessary for his 
journey there, I was obliged to sell from my wardrobe. 
I do the same always when I am unwell during 
fasting time, for in the house of the King they would 
not give meat to any one, even if he were dying, and 
they look upon them who eat it as heretics. 

Your Highness's humble servant kisses your hands. 
The Princess of Wales. 



no THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Fuensalida evidently had an extremely uncomfortable time 
of it, between the open hostility of the King of England and 
the active resistance of the Princess of Wales and her con- 
fessor. He was faced with a new crisis with the development 
of the King's illness, and wrote to Ferdinand on March 20 to 
the effect that the Prince of Wales, instead of his father, 
received the ambassadors recently arrived from Maximilian 
and the Archduchess Margaret. It was reported, he told 
him, that the embassy in question had proposed a match for 
the Prince of Wales with a daughter of the Duke Albert of 
Bavaria and of Maximilian's sister, assuring the King that if 
he concluded this marriage he himself should wed with 
s Madame Margaret. " Also," he added, " I am informed that 
the nobles of the kingdom press the King much that he may 
marry his son ; above all, since they have seen him ill — and 
they do not speak more for one than the other — but tell him 
that he should decide on that which he wishes, or is more 
profitable for him, and that he should marry the Prince, 
because he is already very manly, and the kingdom is in 
danger with only one heir." Catherine's own position became 
more critical than ever. Her complete submission to her 
confessor is indignantly described by Fuensalida in the same 
long letter to his master : 

THE KNIGHT COMMANDER OF MEMBRILLA TO 

FERDINAND II. 

[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[March 20, 1509.] 

... I have not seen the King of England since he 
betrothed his daughter, because he appears to be very 
angry with me, and he does not say that the cause is 
because I did not choose to be present at the espousals 
of his daughter, but because I had made sinister 
reports to your Highness, in consequence of which 
your Highness has not conceded that which he asks, 
according as I wrote to your Majesty, and the Lord 
Privy Seal had sent to tell me ; and on that account 
he did not wish to see me unless I had business on 
which to talk. And neither have I seen the Princess 
from that time, for to those who advise her Highness 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII in 

it does not appear good that her Highness should see 
me, as the King of England is not very friendly to 
me, and her Highness has such faith in them, that 
she believes what they tell her is good. And not only 
does her Highness feign to be angry with me, but 
shows herself to be so in reality. And this they have 
advised because they fear that, if I go to see the 
Princess, I shall not be able to refrain from telling 
her something which does not appear to me good 
in those who advise her thus, and with this fear not 
only have they prevailed with the Princess that she is 
angry with me, and that she shows it, but they have 
managed on all sides, where they have been able 
to do so, in such a manner as to remove me so that I 
may not communicate with her Highness. Many 
things happen in her house which have need of 
amendment, but her Highness is so submissive to a 
friar whom she has as confessor, that he makes her 
do a great many things which it would be better not 
to do. 

Lately he made her do a thing which much grieved 
the King. It was this, that whilst staying in a lonely 
house, which is in a park, the King of England wished 
to go to Richmond, and sent to say to the Princess 
that next day her Highness and Madame Mary, his 
daughter, should be at Richmond, where he would go 
before or after them. The Princess obeyed the order, 
but next day, when she was about to start, and 
Madame Mary was waiting for her with the company 
deputed to go with them, the friar came and said to 
the Princess, " You shall not go to-day." It is true 
that the Princess had vomited that night. The 
Princess said, " I am well ; I do not wish to stay 
here alone." He said, " I tell you that upon pain of 
mortal sin you do not go to-day." The Princess con- 
tended that she was well, and that she did not wish 
to stay there alone. The friar, however, persevered 
so much that the Princess, not to displease him, 
determined to remain. 

When Madame Mary had been waiting for more 



ii2 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

than two hours she sent to tell Madame Mary to go, 
but that she did not feel well. The English who 
witnessed this, and had seen the Princess at mass and 
at table, rode off with Madame Mary and went away, 
whilst the Princess remained alone with her women 
and only the Maestre Sala and her chamberlain, who 
had been absent and came by chance. The distance 
was at the utmost less than one league. There is 
no need to speak of the provisions the Princess had 
that night, for as the contingency was not expected it 
was not provided for, nor did they give themselves 
much trouble to provide for it. 

Next day the King of England did not again give 
an order to send for the Princess, as though she had 
been staying in such company as suited her, and they 
tell me that the King was very much vexed at her 
remaining there. The following day the Princess 
went [to Richmond] , accompanied by no other living 
creature than three women on horseback, the Maestra 
Sala, the chamberlain, and the friar — a numerous 
[company] ! These and other things of a thousand 
times worse kind the friar makes her do. 

It is more than twenty days since the King last 
saw the Princess, nor has he, since her staying away, 
sent to know how she is, although she had been ill. 
May God forgive me, but now that I know so well 
the affairs of the Princess's household, I acquit the 
King of England of a great — and very great — portion 
of the blame which I hitherto gave to him, and I do 
not wonder at what he has done ; but at that which 
he does not do, especially as he is of such a tempera- 
ment as to wish that in house and kingdom that be 
done without contradiction which he desires and 
orders. That the King allows these things of the 
friar, which appear so bad to him, and which are so 
much brought before his eyes, to go on is not con- 
sidered as a good sign by those who know him. As 
I have written by a servant of the Princess, whose 
name is Juan Azcotia, and who was despatched 
behind my back, I shall not dilate here on this 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 113 

subject, because your Highness can hear from him the 
truth of all these things if you desire to know them. 
He is a loyal servant of your Highness, and, as a 
man, being unable to endure many things which 
appeared bad to him, he has said something of this 
to the friar, for which no good has come to him. 
Your Highness must know that there is very great 
need to remedy these things of this friar, and to 
remove him from here as a pestiferous person, for 
that he certainly is. 

The Chamberlain, Juan de Cuero, being a good 
servant, cannot do otherwise than speak the truth, 
which they do not desire to hear. The Princess 
behaves towards him as though he had committed the 
greatest treason in the world, and all because he 
hinders them from selling every day a piece of plate 
to satisfy the follies of the friar. I entreat your 
Highness to grant him the favour of an order that he 
whom your Highness should send may settle with 
him the accounts of the office which he has held, 
because he is very old, and would not wish that death 
should overtake him before having accounted for all 
that for which he is responsible. Your Highness 
ought to do it, and to place a restraint on the selling, 
for in fifteen days they have sold gold for two hundred 
ducats, with which the Princess has done nothing 
that can be seen, nor is it known in what she 
spends it, except in books and the expenses of the 
friar. Fearing that this King should resent that your 
Highness commanded that the Princess should be 
claimed, unless he should consent to her marriage, as 
he has resented and known it in consequence of the 
little secrecy that there is in the chamber of the 
Princess, I told Francisco de Grimaldo that by 
degrees he should send out of the country as much 
money as he could ; and so he has done, for happily 
there are out of England more than thirty thousand 
crowns. The remainder,shall be sent away by degrees, 
and preserved at a place whence, if it should be 
necessary to make the payment to the King of England, 

y.h. 1 



ii 4 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

it could be remitted without any inconvenience. This 
I have done to satisfy my conscience, for, accord- 
ing to what I have perceived and do perceive, it 
seems to me that thus it ought to be done. If your 
Highness should command anything else, inform me 
by the flying courier that I may not be in error. 

Fuensalida wrote at the same time to Ferdinand's first 
Secretary of State, Miguel Perez de Almazan, entreating him, 
in the event of this business being prolonged, to withdraw 
him hence, " because I shall not be able to serve either God 
or his Highness, as I am at variance with everyone." Every 
day, he tells him, they were losing ground, and " out of every 
bush springs a hare." Then he speaks his mind as freely as 
he dare in regard to the Princess and her friar : 

THE KNIGHT COMMANDER OF MEMBRILLA TO 
MIGUEL PEREZ DE ALMAZAN. 
[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[March 20, 1509.] 

Magnificent Lord, 

... I wrote to your Lordship about a friar who 
is here as confessor to the Princess. Would to God 
he were in his monastery, and not here, because he 
neither brings nor has brought any good, and if he is 
here much longer he will bring greater injury on her 
Highness. I write something, and not so openly as 
I should desire, because there goes to his Highness a 
servant of the Princess who is called Juan Azcotia, 
who was despatched behind my back ; and because 
his Highness may be informed by him of what I say 
to him, concerning this friar, in parables. For this 
reason I do not write more at length on the affair, 
since he, as a man who has seen and knows it all, 
and as servant of the house, will be able well to tell, 
and he is a very loyal servant of the King and of the 
Princess, although such are not here held in so much 
esteem as good servants are worth. 

I wish only to say here that this ought to be 
remedied by withdrawing this friar from the Princess, 
lor he is with her Highness against the will of all the 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 115 

English, and especially against the will of the King 
and his Highness [Prince Henry]. You ought to 
consider that which ought to be considered in this 
case, and may God destroy me if I see in the friar 
anything for which she should have so much affection, 
for he has neither learning, nor appearance, nor 
manners, nor competency, nor credit ; and yet if he 
wishes to preach a new law they have to believe 
it. . . . 

Catherine, self-willed and defiant, sent a letter by the same 
messenger to her father, again taking up the cudgels on 
behalf of her friar and her honour, and roundly abusing the 
ambassador for venturing to interfere : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[Richmond, March 20, 1509.] 

The Ambassador sends to tell me that it is very 
necessary for him to despatch this messenger in all 
haste to your Highness, because many things have 
been discovered to him, and as I fear that some of 
them may not be true, I do not like to let him go 
without a letter from me, beseeching your Highness 
that if he writes anything about my household, and 
especially about my confessor, your Highness will 
not credit it. For, by my salvation, and by the life 
of your Highness, he does not tell the truth if he 
states anything except that [the confessor] serves me 
well and loyally. A few days ago I wrote to your 
Highness, by a servant of mine, although not so 
much in detail as I could wish ; for all that the 
ambassador, with his disorderly tongue, has said 
against my person and the honour of my house, from 
affection for a certain Francisca de Caceres, a former 
servant of mine, cannot be put upon paper, and I 
would rather die than see what I have suffered and 
suffer every day from this ambassador and all my 
servants. I shall not believe that your Highness 
looks upon me as your daughter if you do not punish 

1 2 



n6 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

it, and order the ambassador to confine himself to 
the affairs of his embassy, and to abstain from 
meddling in the affairs of my household. May your 
Highness give me satisfaction before I die, for I fear 
my life will be short, owing to my troubles. The 
Princess of Wales. 

As already stated, Fuensalida was already under notice of 
recall. Henry VII., it seems, was as anxious as Catherine 
that he should be replaced. There is in the Archives of 
Simancas a despatch, in which Ferdinand refers to the 
English King's request for his recall, and writes at length 
his instructions for the guidance of that ambassador's 
successor, whose name, however, is left blank in the 
original document: 

FROM FERDINAND II. TO . 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[End of April (?), 1509.3 

. . , From the whole conduct of the King of 
England it is clear that he thinks he can do and say 
what he likes, because he holds the Princess Catherine 
in his power. First he had demanded that the plate 
and jewels of the Princess should not be deducted 
from her dower, although he had no right to do so. 
As soon as this demand was granted, he had required 
that the whole dower of the Princess should be 
resigned into his hands. He was told that the 
Princess Catherine might dispose of her dower as 
she liked, and if she was willing to do so, she might 
give it to him (the King of England). When the 
King of England had obtained this, his second 
demand, he requested the ratification of the marriage 
treaty between Prince Charles and the Princess 
Mary. Thus, each concession that was made only 
created a new request on the part of the King of 
England, who is evidently little desirous to bring the 
affair to a conclusion. . . . 

When the negotiations with England had come to 
this pass, the King of England sent credentials to his 
servant, John Stile, who was staying in Spain, and 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 117 

made through him the following declarations. With 
regard to the delay of the wedding of the Princess 
Catherine, he said it was not his fault that she 
was not already married. The complaints of the 
bad treatment of the Princess, he pretended, were 
unfounded. She and her servants had enough to 
eat, and to drink, and were provided with the 
necessaries of life. Respecting the marriage of 
Prince Charles, the King of England protested that 
he had always been animated with feelings of true 
love and friendship towards him (King Ferdinand). 
This love, the King of England pretended, was the 
reason why he so greatly desired the matrimonial 
union of the Prince of Wales with the Princess 
Catherine, and that of Prince Charles with the 
Princess Mary. If the marriage between Prince 
Charles and the Princess Mary should not be ratified, 
the other princes, the King of England alleged, 
would say that there is no real friendship and true 
relationship between the houses of England and 
Spain. Great inconvenience would be the result 
thereof. All the fault of the negotiations having 
hitherto been so unsatisfactory was owing, according 
to the opinion of the King of England, to the Knight 
Commander of Membrilla not having told the truth 
in his despatches to Spain. King Henry therefore 
begged him to send another ambassador to England, 
or to permit him to send an English embassy to 
Spain, in order to bring the negotiations to a con- 
clusion which would satisfy both parties. . . . 

He must travel as quickly as possible. Immediately 
after his arrival in England he is to speak with the 
Knight Commander of Membrilla, and to inform him- 
self of all the details of the business. That done, he 
is to say to the English, that he (King Ferdinand) 
perfectly knows why the King of England wishes 
another ambassador to be sent to England, and that 
the Knight Commander has always acted as a true 
and faithful servant of his master. Nevertheless, as 
the King of England refuses to transact business 



n8 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

with the Knight Commander, it is necessary to recall 
him. . . . 

Should the King ask what kind of answer he brings 
to the three demands which he had made on his part, 
he is to reply as follows. The remaining 100,000 
scudos of the dower of the Princess will be paid in 
coin. The Princess Catherine is authorized to do 
with her dower as she likes, and consequently she 
may give it to the King of England. He and Queen 
Juana are ready to renounce all their claims on the 
dower. In case the King of England should not be 
contented with this answer, and should there be no 
other impediments to the marriage, he may say that 
his renunciation and the renunciation by Queen Juana 
of the 200,000 scudos of the dower will be given in 
whatever form the King of England wishes, but only 
on condition that the marriage be concluded without 
delay. 

Should the King of England ask what answer he 
brings respecting the ratification of the marriage 
between Prince Charles and the Princess Mary, he 
must say in a very secret and confidential manner 
that he knows his master (King Ferdinand) has made 
a solemn vow not to enter into any negotiations with 
regard to that marriage before the Princess Catherine 
is the wife of the Prince of Wales. Nor would it be 
possible for him to be dispensed from this vow, as he 
has sworn never to ask such a dispensation, and he 
(King Ferdinand) would not break his oath for any 
consideration in the world. At the same time he is 
to add, but as though it came from him, that he 
(King Ferdinand) had never declared himself against 
the marriage of Prince Charles with the Princess 
Mary. The marriage having already been consented 
to by the Emperor, by Madam [Margaret of Savoy], 
and by the Council of Flanders, in whose keeping the 
Prince is, there can be no doubt that it will be ratified 
also by him (King Ferdinand) and Queen Juana as 
soon as the other marriage is concluded. He must 
make use of all possible arguments in order to per- 



LAST YEARS OF HENRY VII 119 

suade the King of England, and especially he must 
not be sparing of sweet and courteous words. In 
case the King consents to the marriage of the 
Princess Catherine, her dower is to be paid in 
accordance with the memoir which will be given 
to him. 

If, on the contrary, the King of England cannot be 
persuaded to consent to the marriage of the Princess 
Catherine except on condition that he (King Ferdi- 
nand) ratifies the marriage treaty between Prince 
Charles and the Princess Mary, he must speak in 
secret with the Princess Catherine, and tell her that 
she must prepare to return to Spain. Her own 
honour and the honour of Spain would suffer if under 
such circumstances she were to remain any longer in 
England, where she might be exposed to even more 
cruel treatment than hitherto. But if she were to 
return to Spain, her long suffering would be at an end, 
and she would soon find opportunity for another very 
acceptable marriage. After having ascertained that 
the Princess has decided to leave England, and that 
she will yield to no persuasion to the contrary from 
the King of England, he is to tell the King that the 
Princess Catherine must immediately go back to the 
house of her father. He must at the same time hire 
the ships in which she and her servants must sail. 
He, the Knight Commander Esquivel, the Treasurer 
Morales and his wife, and even the Knight Com- 
mander of Membrilla, can embark on board the 
vessels in which the Princess and her ladies will 
come. The Knight Commander of Membrilla must, 
therefore, under some pretext, tarry a few days in 
port before putting to sea. 

It may be that the King of England will try to 
retain the Princess Catherine in England against her 
will. If that should be the case, he must employ all 
his powers of persuasion in order to dissuade the 
King from persisting in his iniquitous design. He 
must tell him that he will derive no advantage from 
such a line of conduct, and beg him to consider what 



120 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

his feelings would be, it he himself were to be 
affronted in such a way. 

Whatever the result of his negotiations may be, he 
must write immediately by flying courier. . . . 

Such was the position of affairs at the time of Henry VII.'s 
death on April 23. It was not until the following month 
that the foregoing despatch reached England, when every- 
thing, from the Spanish point of view at least, had changed 
so much for the better. What would have happened had 
Henry VII. lived much longer it is impossible to say, but 
his death undoubtedly relieved a situation which had reached 
an extremely dangerous stage. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE NEW KING (1509 — 1512) 

Henry VIII. Ready to Marry Catherine — Archbishop Warham's 
Objection — Ferdinand's Advice and Condolence — Continued 
Friction Between Catherine and Fuensalida — Ferdinand's 
Threat — Contrast Between Henry VII. and Henry VIII. — 
Catherine and the New King's Private Marriage — Erasmus 
Invited to England " to behold this New and Auspicious Star " 
— Henry's Letters to Margaret of Savoy and his Father-in-law — 
Catherine's Triumph — England as Ferdinand's New Kingdom — . 
Henry Agrees to Support Spain against France — His Reception 
of the French Ambassador — Champions the Cause of Venice — 
His Sports and Pastimes — Birth and Death of his Son — 
Expeditions to Spain and Flanders — Rise of Wolsey — Henry 
Enters the Holy League—Urges Maximilian to Join — A 
Diplomatist's Life in London — Henry Sends an Army to Com- 
bine with the Spaniards against France — His Call to Arms — 
French Proclamation — How Ferdinand Used Henry's Troops — 
English Army becomes Demoralized and Returns of its own 
Accord — Henry's Resolve to Wipe out the Disgrace. 

Ferdinand II. would have been spared much needless 
suspense had he known that his old rival, as he lay dying, 
had counselled his son and successor not only to defend the 
Church and fight the Infidel, but also to complete his long- 
deferred marriage with Catherine. The Prince, apparently, 
was willing enough, notwithstanding his secret renunciation 
years before, and his councillors were now ready to complete 
the negotiations with an energy which was almost indecorous. 
Some objection, apparently, was raised by the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, Lord Chancellor Warham, who had con- 
scientious doubts as to the canonical validity of the match ; 
but these scruples were not sufficiently deep-rooted to 
prevent him from officiating at the ceremony. Meanwhile, 
the King of Spain, ignorant of the unaccustomed smoothness 
of his path, sent emergency instructions post haste to 
Fuensalida as soon as the first unofficial news reached him 
of the death of Henry VII. : 



122 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

FERDINAND II. TO THE KNIGHT COMMANDER OF 
MEMBRILLA. 
[Spanish Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[May (?), 1509.] 

... If the King of England is really dead, the 
French as well as others will enter into all kinds ol 
intrigues to prevent the marriage of the new King 
with the Princess Catherine from taking place. He 
must, therefore, by all means in his power persuade 
the new King of England to marry the Princess 
without any delay. The marriage is of great import- 
ance, not only with respect to the Princess, but also 
on general political grounds, since it will secure to 
him the friendship and alliance of the King of 
England. 

Is determined to grant to the new King all the 
advantages which were denied to his father, on the 
sole condition that the marriage is immediately 
consummated. 

If the King of England is dead, he must, as soon 
as he receives this despatch, go to the new King, give 
him the enclosed letter, and explain to him at length 
everything contained in it, making use of the best 
arguments that occur to him and the sweetest words 
he can imagine. That done, he must deliver his 
credentials, and tell the new King in Ferdinand's 
name that his [King Henry's] age and position as a 
King without heirs render it imperatively necessary 
for him to take a wife without delay, and to beget 
children. Begs the King of England most earnestly 
not to defer any longer the consummation of his 
marriage with the Princess Catherine, who is already 
his wife. The dower shall be punctually paid. . . . 

In the enclosed letter Ferdinand wrote to his prospective 
son-in-law to condole with him on his father's death, and 
to express his own great sorrow at the news. " The only 
consolation," said this first-rate hypocrite, " is that he died a 
good Catholic," and that though Ferdinand had lost a brother 
he had gained a son. Hehopedthat Henry VIII. hadascended 



THE NEW KING 123 

the throne unopposed. Should that, however, not be the 
case, and should he want aid, he had only to say so, and 
a powerful army, consisting of men-at-arms, infantry and 
artillery, ships and engines of war, would be sent by 
Ferdinand to his assistance from Spain without delay. He 
would even, he declared, come in person to England at the 
head of such an army, and act in the same way as he would 
if the fate of his own dominions were at stake. 1 The Spanish 
Sovereign had only just signed these eager letters when 
Fuensalida's despatches arrived confirming the news of 
Henry VII. 's death. Ferdinand replied that he had nothing 
to add except that : 

Fuensalida must always bear in mind that the 
marriage of the Princess of Wales with the King of 
England is the most important business that ever 
was, or ever will be, confided to him. In answer to 
what he has written respecting certain scruples of 
conscience which were mentioned to him, viz., 
whether the King would commit a sin by marrying 
the widow of his deceased brother, he must say that 
such a marriage is perfectly lawful, as the Pope has 
given a dispensation for it, while the consequence of 
it will be peace between England and Spain, besides 
which the marriage of the Princess Mary with Prince 
Charles depends on it. The King of England, having 
been betrothed to the Princess of Wales, would, 
moveover, commit a sin by breaking his engagement 
to her. He may take example from the King of 
Portugal, who has married two sisters and who is 
blessed with a numerous offspring, and lives very 
cheerfully and happily. Hopes the same happiness 
is reserved for the King of England, who will enjoy 
the greatest felicity in his union with the Princess 
of Wales, and leave numerous children behind 
him. . . . 2 

To make sure of Catherine, Ferdinand wrote on May 14 
to impress upon her the extreme importance of her marriage. 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., p. 9. 

2 Ibid., p. 12. 



124 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

She must now, he told her, show what she was capable of, 
and bring the long negotiations to an end, reminding her 
that she herself once wrote that his marriage could easily 
be concluded if only Henry VII. were to die. 1 Ferdinand's 
first secretary, Miguel Perez de Almazan, also wrote to 
Catherine to the following effect : 

MIGUEL PEREZ DE ALMAZAN TO CATHERINE. 
[Spanish Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[Valladolid, May 18, 1509.] 

In the lifetime of King Henry VII., King Ferdinand 
the Catholic refused to accede to some demands which 
the late King of England made, knowing perfectly 
well that the late King of England was not his friend, 
and had no intention to marry her, while he lived, to 
his son the present King. The old King of England 
was always beset by the fear that his son, the present 
King, might during his lifetime obtain too much 
power by his connexion with the house of Spain. 

As soon, however, as the death of Henry VII. was 
known, King Ferdinand granted to the present King- 
all that he had refused to his father. He loves her 
most of all his children, and, on her account, looks 
on the present King of England as though he were 
his own son. King Ferdinand will henceforth com- 
municate to King Henry all his secrets, and expects 
in return that King Henry will conceal nothing from 
him. This absolute confidence between the two 
Kings is necessary, in order that King Ferdinand, 
like a true father, may give his advice about everything 
to the King of England. . . . 

The only danger that now appeared to threaten the 
negotiations was the continued friction between Fuensalida, 
who had not yet been superseded, and the Princess of Wales, 
both of whom poured out their grievances to the Spanish 
Sovereign. Ferdinand was on thorns at the bare possibility 
of all his plans being upset at the last moment by any 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., pp. 141 -5. 



THE NEW KING 125 

pettiness ot this sort. He did his best to smooth their 
ruffled feathers, and begged them to forgive each other for 
the sake of the marriage. To Fuensalida he wrote on 
May 18 that he was very sorry to hear what had passed 
between them : 

He knows that he has served him always with the 
greatest loyalty ; but in the present state of things 
the best he can do is to forget what has happened, 
and not to speak a word about it to anyone, employing 
all his energy to conclude the business of the marriage. 
He expects from Fuensalida that he will even beg the 
Princess to forgive him. For God's sake he must not 
complain of her to anyone in England. Even if he 
suffers injustice, he must not forget that he will serve 
the King better by submitting to it than by any other 
way. 

Finally he mentioned that he had asked the Princess to 
treat him with respect and kindness. 1 That Ferdinand did 
so is seen in his letter to Catherine of the same date, in 
which he also told her how vexed he was to hear what his 
ambassador has said and done. She must, however, forgive 
him and treat him with courtesy, as he had probably acted 
rather from ignorance than from malice. She must do 
nothing, in short, to prevent the wedding from being per- 
formed as soon as possible, Ferdinand bluntly adding that 
there was " no possibility in the whole world of marrying 
her to anyone but her present husband." 2 

There was no need to threaten Catherine. She had no 
wish, after all her years of suffering, to miss the finest 
matrimonial prize in Christendom; for Henry VIII. at that 
time was endowed with all the manly virtues, as well as 
with a fortune which most European Courts had reason 
to envy. Henry VII., by husbanding his resources with 
almost a miser's affection for wealth, earned a reputation as 
much for his avarice as for his statesmanship, but he left 
his son a legacy which would be equal in value at the 

1 Spanish State Papers, Vol. I. 

2 Ibid. 



126 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

present day to something like £18,000,000. In appearance 
the father might easily have been mistaken for a Frenchman, 
and he had none of the insular prejudices of an island race. 
Henry VIII. , on the other hand, looked an Englishman 
every inch of him ; gloried more in his sports and strength 
than in the tortuous tricks of statesmanship ; and imbibed to 
the full the national spirit of his people. " The new King 
is magnificent, liberal, and a great enemy of the French," 
wrote Andrea Badoer, the Venetian ambassador in England, 
who had been charged by the Doge and Senate of the 
threatened Republic to enlist Henry's assistance. Catherine, 
be it repeated, needed no incentive to complete her marriage 
with a Prince whose praises everyone united in singing. 

She made her added years and experience helpful to the 
young King at once, taking charge, according to Cavendish, 
of the arrangements for his father's stately funeral, as well 
as for the subsequent coronation. The marriage which had 
hung fire so long was now rushed to its consummation 
within a few weeks, the religious ceremony taking place 
privately on June 11 at the Friar Observant's Church, 
Greenwich. Catherine's much-discussed confessor, it is 
worth noting, was a friar of this Order. On the 23rd 
came the gorgeous processions, and ceremonies of the 
coronation, with all the accompanying jousts and banquets 
and general festivities, suddenly brought to a close, however, 
by the death of the Lady Margaret, the King's devoted 
grandmother. 

Some idea of the extravagant rejoicings over Henry's 
accession may be gathered from Mountjoy's letter to 
Erasmus, whose hopes of advancement in England now 
seemed so ripe for realization that he lost no time in 
accepting his friend's enthusiastic invitation " to behold 
this new and auspicious star " : * 

WILLIAM, LORD MOUNTJOY TO ERASMUS. 
" Epistles of Erasmus," translated by F. M. Nichols, Vol. I.] 
[Greenwich Palace, May 27, 1509.] 

-, I have no fear, my Erasmus, but when you heard 
that our Prince, now Henry the Eighth, whom we 
may well call our Octavius, had succeeded to his 



THE NEW KING 127 

father's throne, all your melancholy left you at once. 
For what may you not promise yourself from a 
Prince, with whose extraordinary and almost divine 
character you are well acquainted, and to whom you 
are not only known but intimate, having received 
from him (as few others have) a letter traced with 
his own fingers ? But when you know what a hero 
he now shows himself, how wisely he behaves, what a 
lover he is of justice and goodness, what affection he 
bears to the learned, I will venture to swear that you 
will need no wings to make you fly to behold this 
new and auspicious star. Oh, my Erasmus, if you 
could see how all the world here is rejoicing in the 
possession of so great a Prince, how his life is all 
their desire, you could not contain your tears for joy. 
The heavens laugh, the earth exults, all things are 
full of milk, of honey and of nectar ! Avarice is 
expelled the country. Liberality scatters wealth 
with bounteous hand. Our King does not desire 
gold or gems or precious metals, but virtue, glory, 
immortality. I will give you an example. The 
other day he wished he was more learned. I said : 
u That is not what we expect of your Grace, but that 
you will foster and encourage learned men." 

I 1 Yea, surely," said he, " for indeed without them 
we should scarcely exist at all." 

sWhat more splendid saying could fall from the lips 
of a prince ? But how rash am I to launch my little 
boat upon the ocean. This is a province reserved 
for you. But I was tempted to begin my letter with 
these few words in praise of our divine Prince in 
order to drive out of your mind any sadness that 
may still rest in it, or if your sadness be expelled, 
then not only to confirm but to raise higher and 
higher whatever hope you have conceived. 

I now come to your letters, dated, one the . . . 
and the other the 30th April, from Rome. The first 
gave me both pleasure and sorrow ; pleasure because 
you disclosed in a friendly and familiar way your 
plans and thoughts, your cares and mischances to 



128 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

your Mountjoy ; sorrow to find my best of friends so 
sore hit by the manifold darts of Fortune. I would 
bid you be of good cheer, if I did not think that 
without my bidding you are already hopeful, if you 
have any hope in you. Make up your mind that 
the last day of your wretchedness has dawned. You 
will come to a Prince who will say, " Accept our 
wealth and be our greatest sage." . . . 

How far these hopes were realized may be seen in Erasmus's 
later correspondence. Meantime Henry added to his popu- 
larity by exempting from the general pardon on his accession 
the two ministers who had made themselves obnoxious to 
the people during his father's reign by the exaction of heavy 
taxes and crown fines — Sir Richard Empson and Edmund 
Dudley. Edmund de la Pole, who had been confined to 
the Tower since his surrender to Henry VII. by Philip the 
Handsome, was also exempted. 1 For Henry and his bride, on 
the other hand, all went as merrily as the traditional 
wedding bells, the round of masques, revels and jousting, 
interrupted by the Lady Margaret's death, being soon taken 
up again. Towards the end of June the bridegroom sent 
the following account of his wedding to the Archduchess 
Margaret, in order that she might, as he expressed it, share 
their joy and felicity : 

HENRY VIII. TO MARGARET OF SAVOY. 

I" Court and Society from Elizabeth to Anne."] 

[Westminster Palace, June 27, 1509.] 

Great and excellent Princess, — We commend 
ourselves heartily to you, and let you know that we 
have written a letter to our much-honoured brother 
and cousin, the Emperor, your father, in which we 
inform him of our news and affairs, for the great 

1 The popular cry for vengeance against Empson and Dudley was 
appeased in the following year by their execution on the unjust 
charge of constructive treason. Edmund de la Pole was beheaded 
without a trial in 15 13, when his brother Richard entered the service 
of France, then at war with England. 



THE NEW KING iag 

love and preference which we are aware that he had 
for the late Prince, of worthy and happy memory, 
the King, our lord and father. We tell the same 
to you, because we believe that he and you will take 
pleasure therein. 

The truth is, that considering the treaty made long 
ago, touching a marriage between us and the Lady 
Catherine, and the betrothals then made between us 
by word of mouth ; considering that on our coming of 
age, among other wise and honourable advice given 
to us by the King on his dying bed, was an express 
command to take the Lady Catherine to wife, in 
virtue of that treaty ; considering also the great 
alliance contracted between the Emperor, the King 
of Spain, and ourselves, in the marriage of Prince 
Charles and the Lady Mary ; considering, finally, 
the betrothals and promises on one side, and on the 
other side the dispensations granted by the Pope, 
we could not, without offence to God, right, reason, 
and good conscience, do otherwise than as we have 
done. 

For which causes and considerations, on the nth 
of this present month of June, the nuptials were 
performed, and on St. John the Baptist's Day we 
were crowned at our Abbey of Westminster, near 
our City of London, the place in which it has been 
usual to crown our ancestors the Kings of England, 
there being present all the great princes, lords, and 
nobles of our kingdom. 

Thank God, our realm is tranquil and obedient, as 
in the King, our father's time ; all of which we tell 
you that you may share our joy and felicity. Be 
good enough to forward our letter to the Emperor, 
and let us hear from you as often as you have news 
to communicate. 

A month later the newly-married King sends his father- 
in-law a letter which is full of a bridegroom's frank 
enthusiasm ; for there was no doubt about Henry's love for 
Catherine in the early years of his reign : 

Y.H. k 



i 3 o THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

HENRY VIII. TO FERDINAND II. 

[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."} 

[Greenwich, July 26, 1509.] 

To the most serene and most excellent Prince 
Lord Don Ferdinando, by the grace of God, King of 
Arragon, of the two Sicilies and Jerusalem, our very 
dear father, Henry, by the same grace, King of 
England and France, and Lord of Ireland, health 
and prosperous success. 

We have the letters of your serene Highness, dated 
to us on the fourth of this month from Turre de 
Gylles, whereby we have been affected with violent 
joy, beyond what can be expressed ; in the first place, 
as your majesty, having read our letters and having 
learnt the consummation of our marriage with the 
most serene lady the Queen, your daughter, hath 
yourself conceived no little delight at that event, and 
hath in consequence made a public demonstration 
and festival 1 in your own person : the past delay of 
which long tormented your majesty's mind. In the 
second place, as your serene Highness greatly 
commends ourself, in having completed this marriage 
so liberally, and in having rejected all other ladies 
in the world that have been offered to us ; showing 
hereby our singular love, which we bear towards your 
majesty and the most illustrious house of Arragon, 
as well as to the most serene lady herself the Queen 
our very beloved consort. From this cause, your 
majesty, just like a most excellent and true father, 
forming a most true judgment of our inward and 
cordial feeling towards yourself, most generously 
offers to us yourself and all yours. Wherefore, for 
so singular and such paternal affection wherewith 
you honour us, we owe undoubtedly to your serene 
Highness boundless thanks, (and greater than these, 
if possible) accepting most willing your paternal 

1 Ferrara says, " her father, King Ferdinand, was so well pleased 
at his daughter's second marriage, that he celebrated it by grand 
festivals in Spain, particularly by the jeu de Cannes," or darting the 
jereed, in which Moorish sport Ferdinand assisted in person. 



THE NEW KING 131 

offers, and confidently intending to avail ourself of 
them when opportunity happen ; offering equally and 
in like manner to you ourself, and ours, and whatever 
shall ever possibly proceed from us, inasmuch as this 
our strict alliance and bond so requires and demands : 
so that all things may be common, both ours with 
you and yours with us. 

\And, as regards that sincere love, which we have 
to the most serene Queen our consort, — her eminent 
virtues daily more and more shine forth, blossom, and 
increase so much, that, if we were still free, her we 
would yet choose for our wife before all other. And, 
we will so strive to answer your majesty's expectation 
and fatherly love to ourself, that you may be convinced 
we neither omit, nor neglect, in any particular, our 
filial duty ; but in all points repay the reciprocal debt 
of love and attention to our utmost power. All these 
things, of course, you will be pleased to relate, in our 
name, to the most illustrious lady, the queen of 
Castile, your daughter, our very dear kinswoman, and 
to commend ourself to her in singular degree. 

However, as regards the ambassador, whom your 
majesty purposes to send, to sojourn with us, we shall 
see him very cheerfully ; both that from him we may 
be assured at length of your majesty's happy state, 
(which we earnestly desire to know) and likewise that 
he may be able, from time to time, to acquaint you 
of our daily proceedings. May the God Almighty 
preserve you long, happy, prosperous and safe, with 
daily increase of auspicious events. 

Catherine herself writes to her father three days later in 
similar strains. Unfortunately part of her letter is written 
in cipher, to which no key can be found. It is obvious from 
some of her remarks that she now regarded England as an 
addition to her father's own dominions. The letter, which 
is not included in Bergenroth's Calendar, the original having 
been preserved in England, among the Egerton Manuscripts, 
is also important for its renewed defence of her friar, whom 
" supposing he were the worst man in the world " she 

K 3 



i 3 2 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

declared she would have kept, and honoured, merely for the 
sake of giving the lie to Fuensalida. The friar remained 
in her service as confessor after her marriage and chancellor 
until his downfall, some years later, upon being judicially 
convicted of adultery. 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO FERDINAND II. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

[Greenwich, July 29, 1509.] 

Most high and most puissant Lord, 

I received your Highness's letter which this courier 
brought me, with which I rejoiced so much, that your 
Highness will scarcely be able to believe how much 
pleasure I had in knowing that I have ever been 
held and esteemed by your Highness as your true 
daughter and servant. And it is the greatest favour 
that your Highness can do me, and most conformed to 
my will, since I know that in this life I have no other 
good except that of being your daughter ; although 
(by) your Highness so well married, that more cannot 
be said, except that it may well appear that it is the 
work of those hands of your Highness which I kiss 
for so signal a favour. 

As to the King, my lord, amongst the reasons 
that oblige me to love him much more than myself, 
the one most strong, although he is my husband, 
is his being the so true son of your Highness, with 
desire of greater obedience and love to serve you 
than ever son had to his father. I have performed 
the office of ambassador as your Highness sent to 
command, and as was known by the King, my lord, 
who is, and places himself entirely, in the hands of 
your Highness, as of so entire a father and lord. 
And your Highness may believe me, that he is such 
in keeping obedience to your Highness as could 
never have been thought, from which I increase in 
infinite pleasure as much as reason requires. 

The news from here is that those kingdoms of your 
Highness are in great peace, and entertain much love 
towards the King, my lord, and to me. His Highness 



THE NEW KING 133 

and I are very hearty to the service of your Highness. 
Our time is ever passed in continual feasts. I 
supplicate your Highness, as to the favour which you 
have always bestowed upon me, in which you have 
shown me the greatest favour, henceforth to bestow 
it on me, by showing that you esteem the King, 
my lord, and me as your true children. 1 ... I 
feel assured your Highness, having received my 
goodwill with the desire which I have for your 
service with which I write this, and believing that 
you have given and will give credit to my letters, 
although you have not chosen to send an answer 
to all that which was in them, — since it so greatly 
concerned my honour and estate that, by the life of 
your Highness, it could not be thought how much 
the Knight Commander of Membrilla, being here as 
ambassador, did me disservice, by having said what 
he did, and by taking up the topics which he took up. 
Supposing my confessor were the worst man in the 
world, yet, for the sake of giving the lie to the said 
ambassador, I should have kept him in my service, 
and made him a great prelate. So much the more 
being such a person, and so sufficient, as I believe 
your Highness knows, since I have him in my 
service ; and I hope to keep him all the time that 
I shall be able, if your Highness may be thus served. 
If I believed not that your Highness would hold 
him in the same office, as reason is, I should think 
myself much annoyed and disfavoured by your 
Highness. 

My mistress, Juan de Cuero, my chamberlain, 
with my other servants, set off from hence to their 
homes. I commanded to pay them all their salaries, 
in the form and quantity as every year the same 
officials are paid in the house of your Highness : 
to Alonzo de Esquivel for six years, and to all the 
others for eight ; and all the help I gave them was 
for the service of your Highness, besides other things 
which by my command they have received from my 
1 The following passage is in cipher, and terminates very abruptly. 



134 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

chamber ; this not for the service which they have 
done me, but only for that your Highness had com- 
manded them to come here. Wherefore, if you 
should wonder at the boldness of them, and of the 
ambassador, I would supplicate your Highness to 
command to chastise him and them ; but afterwards, 
by reason that they can call themselves mine, I 
supplicate your Highness to pardon them, com- 
manding that they should be regarded as persons 
who have been in my house. 

Our Lord keep the life and royal estate of your 
Highness, and increase it, according to my desire. 
From Greenwich, the 29th of July. The humble 
servant of your Highness, who kisses your hands, 
The Queen. 

I supplicate your Highness to do me so signal a 
favour as to send to the King, my lord, three horses, 
— one a jennet, and the other from Naples, and the 
other a Sicilian ; because he desires them much, and 
has asked me to beg your Highness for them : in 
which I shall receive a great favour from your 
Highness ; and also to command them to be sent by 
the first messenger that comes here, 

Ferdinand replied to both these letters on September 13. 
He rejoiced, he assured his son-in-law, to hear that he loved 
his wife so much ; and to his daughter he writes eloquently 
on the blessings of a happy marriage. May their happiness, 
he adds, last as long as they live. 1 With regard to the 
ambassador, he repeats to Catherine his old regrets at the 
behaviour of Fuensalida, but explains that little more need be 
said on the subject, as he has already recalled him from 
England. To Henry he writes that he is shortly sending Luis 
Caroz as his new ambassador, and requests that meanwhile all 
communications respecting the affairs between England and 
Spain should be made through the Queen, his wife, begging 
him to give her implicit credit. Thus did Catherine become, 
for a time at least, not only Queen-Consort of England, but 
also sole ambassador for Spain at the court of Henry VIII. 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II. 



THE NEW KING 135 

It was a great triumph for Ferdinand, who now felt that he had 
England safely in his power. He did, indeed, become for the 
first few years of Henry's reign the chief, if unofficial, coun- 
cillor of the young and inexperienced King in the all-important 
matter of England's foreign policy. His chief object at this 
period was to secure England's support against Louis XII. of 
France, who had succeeded in obtaining such a dispropor- 
tionate share of the Venetian spoils as seriously to alarm the 
other greedy partners in the compact of Cambrai. Henry 
was ready enough to promise his support in this connexion, 
for, besides possessing the national prejudice against the 
French, he was also moved to generous indignation against 
the threatened destruction of Venice, assuring the Venetian 
ambassador that he was the Signory's best friend. When 
Louis XII. sent the Abbot of Fecamp to Henry, in the 
summer of 1509, he received anything but a warm welcome. 
Badoer's account in his letters home of the Abbot's interview 
with the King furnishes a foretaste of the autocratic Henry of 
later years : 

. . . The abbot announced the receipt by his King 
of a letter from King Henry, requesting friendship 
and peace, and stated that his King had sent him to 
confirm the said peace. Thereupon King Henry 
took offence, and, turning towards his attendants, 
exclaimed, "Who wrote this letter? I ask peace of 
the King of France, who dare not look me in the face, 
much less make war on me ! ! " With this he rose, 
nor would he hear any more ; so the ambassador 
withdrew. After this, " tilting at the ring" took 
place. The French ambassador was invited to be 
present, but no place having been reserved for him 
upon a stage reserved for guests, he departed in 
dudgeon. The King, however, had him recalled, 
and caused a cushion to be given him, and he sat 
down. In short, King Henry holds France in small 
account. . . - 1 

Ferdinand's letter to Catherine in the following November 
shows that Henry had informed him of his intention to 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 5. 



136 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

prevent the utter destruction of Venice, the Spanish Sovereign 
being greatly disturbed in his mind at the fact that his 
inexperienced son-in-law should have sent such a letter in 
" plain writing " and not in cipher. He begged her to tell 
her husband that secrecy and circumspection were always 
necessary in great enterprises : 

It would be very inconvenient if the French were to 
know anything concerning their closer alliance, their 
plan to preserve to Venice the territories which belong 
to her by right, and other similar matters, before they 
are ripe for execution. The King of England must, 
therefore, henceforth write in his letters nothing but 
such things that the French may read without danger. 
All other communications must be made by her, and 
be written in her cipher, or in the cipher of the 
ambassador, until the new ambassador arrives. . . . 

The King of England, he added, must remember that the 
best and only safe way to ensure perfect security for their 
States, as well as for the dominion of the Queen of Castile 
and Prince Charles, was secretly to contract a true and 
intimate alliance, consisting of the King of the Romans, the 
King of England, the Queen of Castile and Prince Charles, 
and himself, King Ferdinand. Meantime Henry must appear 
to be as good a friend to France as was his father, and not 
say a word more about Venice until a new alliance was 
concluded. Afterwards he could easily find a pretext for 
quarrelling with him, and would be sure to get the better of 
him. As for what had been said about the rumours of the 
intentions of the King of France to make war upon England, 
Catherine, he said, ought not to attach any importance to 
them. As long as he (King Ferdinand) lived the French 
would never attack England, well knowing that he would 
immediately assist her, and that the result would be in favour 
of Spain and England, who would despoil France and many 
of her provinces. 1 

For a time, however, the power of Louis XII. in Italy was 
allowed to increase unchecked. Henry concealed his inten- 
tions towards France to the extent of renewing his father's 
1 Spanish Calendar, Vol, II., November 18, 1509. 



THE NEW KING 137 

treaty of peace and friendship with that country ; and even 
in the summer of the following year was exchanging with 
Louis, through his ambassadors, a profusion of promises and 
compliments. This was more than Ferdinand had intended, 
especially as the new treaty of peace had only been disclosed 
to him after it had been concluded. 

Pope Julius II., also anxious to secure England's support 
in his own troubles with France, now courted the King's 
favour by sending him the Golden Rose. This was 
delivered to the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the ensuing 
letter : 

JULIUS II. TO ARCHBISHOP WARHAM. 
[Grove's " Life and Times of Cardinal Wolsey."] 

Venerable Brother, 

We salute you, and send you our Apostolic Bene- 
diction. Resolving with ourselves, that our most 
eminent Son in Christ, Henry, the most illustrious 
King of England, for whom we have a very pecu- 
liar regard, should receive from us some honorary 
Apostolical present in this beginning of his reign, we 
now send him the Golden Rose, anointed with the 
Holy Chrism, sprinkled with odoriferous musk, and 
blessed with our hands, after the manner of the Roman 
Pontiffs, which we would have you, brother, to give 
him, with our Apostolical Benediction, during the 
solemnity of the Mass, (by you to be celebrated) you 
using the ceremonies for this purpose contained in 
the schedule annexed to it. 

Given at Rome the 5th of April, 15 10, in the seventh 
year of our Pontificate. 

SlGISMUNDUS. 

In the meantime Ferdinand's new ambassador, Luis Caroz, 
had arrived in London, where, apparently, he did not agree 
with Catherine and her confessor any better than did his 
predecessor. His letter to Ferdinand's Secretary of State, 
which follows, is interesting, not only on this account ; it 
also gives the secret history of the first little cloud that cast 
its shadow over Catherine's married life : 



138 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

DON LUIS CAROZ TO MIGUEL PEREZ DE ALMAZAN. 
[Spanish Calendar, Supplement to Vols. I. and II.] 

[London, May 28, 15 10.] 

The way in which we, the friar and I, treat one 
another is this : — he gives me the best words that it is 
possible to give, but I find him very cold in deeds, 
and so much so, that I have not been able to make 
use of his help in the least little thing which has been 
done. I know it for certain — and he is not so discreet 
that he knows how to conceal it — that he is very sus- 
picious and fearful of me ; indeed, so much so, that 
he thinks and believes that I am come here for no 
other purpose but to turn him out of this house. 
That which I have done and do with him is this : — to 
praise him as much as is necessary, but not overmuch, 
that he may not suspect that there is any deceit in it ; 
to tell him, after the arrival of every courier, how 
pleased his Highness is with him, how much I am 
aware that he knows the affairs which are negotiated 
here, and that I speak to him about them in order 
that he may assist me. I tell him that I do this by 
order of his Highness, because his Highness knows 
well that in all that concerns his service he will act 
with the same diligence as I. Nevertheless, I cannot 
make use of him in anything, and the more we advance 
the worse I find him. There is no doubt his mind is 
not quite right, and it is clear that he greatly injures 
the service of his Highness, inasmuch as he keeps the 
Queen engaged, so that I cannot make use of her in 
anything ; so much so that if I wish to send to ask a 
favour of the Queen, I find no one to send. For those 
of the household, from fear of him, do not dare to do 
it, nor have the few [Spaniards ?] who are there 
dared to come and see me, or to speak to me when 
they meet me at court. If I beg him to tell some- 
thing to the Queen, either he does it in a way that 
does me no good, or he gives me reasons why it is 
not well to do what I wish. In fine, I may conclude 
by stating that I have never seen a more wicked 
person in my life. According to what hitherto I am 



THE NEW KING 139 

able to understand, we are forced to dissimulate with 
him, to endure him, honouring him and making him 
the best demonstrations that can be made. When 
the Queen goes out I shall speak with her, and see 
how to guide myself, and by whom and in what 
manner those negotiations with the Queen are to be 
carried on, which I am forced to carry on through a 
third person. There is here a servant of the Queen, 
whose name is Francisca de Caceres. She is married 
to Francisco de Grimaldo, and is the most attached 
person in the world to the service of her Highness, 
and the most skilful for whatever suits the Queen or 
the King our Lord [Ferdinand]. The friar fears her 
more than can be said, and forbids this woman enter- 
ing the palace, or remaining in the service of the 
Queen, or seeing her. I should think that two letters 
of recommendation, and with a power for me from his 
Highness, would be good — the one for the King and 
the other for the Queen. What I intend to do with 
them is to try whether I can persuade the Queen to 
take her back into her service, and if not, to obtain 
from the King that he takes her for Madame Mary, 
his sister. As soon as she is in the palace, she herself 
will recover her place, and, even if she does not 
recover it, she will render the greatest services ; for 
now, having nobody there, I do not know, as I ought 
to know, what passes there. 

Every day occur numberless things which it is well 
for me to know, especially as the King and the Queen 
are young, and cannot be without novelties. What 
lately has happened is that two sisters of the Duke of 
Buckingham, both married, lived in the palace. The 
one of them is the favourite of the Queen, and the 
other, it is said, is much liked by the King, who went 
after her. Another version is that the love intrigues 
were not of the King, but of a young man, his favourite, 
of the name of Conton, 1 who had been the late King's 
butler. This Conton carried on the love intrigue, as 
it is said, for the King, and that is the more credible 
1 Sir William Compton (?). 



140 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

version, as the King has shown great displeasure at 
what I am going to tell. The favourite of the Queen 
has been very anxious in this matter of her sister, and 
has joined herself with the Duke, her brother, with 
her husband and her sister's husband, in order to 
consult on what should be done in this case. The 
consequence of the counsel of all the four of them was 
that, whilst the Duke was in the private apartment ot 
his sister, who was suspected [of intriguing] with the 
King, Conton came there to talk with her, saw the 
Duke, who intercepted him, quarrelled with him, and 
the end of it was that he was severely reproached in 
many and very hard words. The King was so offended 
at this that he reprimanded the Duke angrily. The 
same night the Duke left the palace, and did not enter 
or return there for some days. At the same time the 
husband of that lady went away, carried her off, and 
placed her in a convent sixty miles from here, that 
no one may see her. 

The King having understood that all this proceeded 
from the sister, who is the favourite of the Queen, the 
day after the one was gone, turned the other out ot 
the palace, and her husband with her. Believing 
that there were other women in the employment ol 
the favourite, that is to say, such as go about the 
palace insidiously spying out every unwatched 
moment, in order to tell the Queen, the King would 
have liked to turn all of them out, only that it has 
appeared to him too great a scandal. Afterwards, 
almost all the court knew that the Queen had been 
vexed with the King, and the King with her, and thus 
this storm went on between them. I spoke to the 
friar about it, and complained that he had not told 
me this, regretting that the Queen had been annoyed, 
and saying to him how I thought that the Queen 
should have acted in this case, and how he, in my 
opinion, ought to have behaved himself. For in this 
I think I understand my part, being a married man, 
and having often treated with married people in 
similar matters. He contradicted vehemently, which 



THE NEW KING 141 

was the same thing as denying what had been officially 
proclaimed. He told me that those ladies have not 
gone for anything of the kind, and talked nonsense ; 
and evidently did not believe what he told me. I did 
not speak more on that subject. I spoke with him in 
order to try whether I could not in this or that 
manner discuss with him some pending affairs, and [to 
remind him] that he never ought to consider me as a 
stranger in these matters ; but until this time I have 
not found him serviceable to me. He is stubborn, 
and as the English ladies of this household, as well 
as the Spanish who are near the Queen, are rather 
simple, I fear, lest the Queen should behave ill in this 
ado. She does so already, because she by no means 
conceals her ill-will towards Conton, and the King is 
very sorry for it. According to what I have heard, it 
may be that even the friar should have his part in 
this feast ; and I should not regret it. I have told 
all this to your Lordship, in order that you may tell 
it to his Highness, if you think it advisable ; and if not, 
conceal it and order me likewise not to speak any 
more of it, and not to lose my time in such things, 
unless I obtain some advantage thereby. . . . 

Catherine does not appear to have taken this first quarrel 
to heart very deeply, unless she carried the art of dissimulation 
to quite unnecessary lengths, for in a letter written to her 
father only one day previously to the above she " thanks God 
and him that he has given her such a husband as the King of 
England." x This was after informing Ferdinand that she 
had given birth, some days before, to a still-born child, a 
daughter. She begs her father not to be angry with her, 
"for it has been the will of God." Henry at this time 
appears to have allowed nothing to interfere with his 
amusements. Although in the previous summer he wrote to 
his father-in-law that he was diverting himself "with jousts, 
birding, hunting and other innocent and honest pastimes," 
and in visiting different parts of his kingdom, but that he did 
not on that account neglect affairs of State, 2 Luis Caroz has 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., p. 38, 

2 Ibid., [p. 20. 



142 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

another story to tell, in May, 1510. The English bishops 
then told him that the King was young, " and does not care 
to occupy himself with anything but the pleasures of his age. 
All other affairs he neglects." The ambassador suggested, 
therefore, that Ferdinand should write to Henry and spur 
him on, so that the more intimate treaty which he had come 
to negotiate with him might soon be completed. 1 In a 
second letter of the same date the ambassador sends a 
picturesque account of the tournaments in which the young 
English King delighted : 

LUIS CAROZ TO FERDINAND II. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[London, May 29, 15 10.] 

. . . The King of England amuses himself almost 
every day of the week with running the ring, and 
with jousts and tournaments on foot, in which one 
single person fights with an appointed adversary. 
Two days in the week are consecrated to this kind of 
tournament, which is to continue till the Feast of 
St. John, and which is instituted in imitation of Amadis 
and Lanzilote, and other knights of olden times, of 
whom so much is written in books. The combatants 
are clad in breast-plates, and wear a particular kind 
of helmet. They use lances of fourteen hands' 
breadth long, with blunt iron points. They throw 
these lances at one another, and fight afterwards 
with two-handed swords, each of the combatants 
dealing twelve strokes. They are separated from one 
another by a barrier which reaches up to the girdle, 
in order to prevent them from seizing one another 
and wrestling. There are many young men who 
excel in this kind of warfare, but the most conspicuous 
among them all, the most assiduous, and the most 
interested in the combats is the King himself, who 
never omits being present at them. . . . 

There is little else to chronicle of England's domestic 
history during these first two years of Henry's reign. On 
New Year's Day, 15 11, the King's highest hopes were 
1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., p. 41, 



THE NEW KING i 4 3 

realized by the birth of a son to Catherine, hopes, however, 
destined to be shattered by the baby's death less than two 
months later, after being christened Henry, and declared 
Prince of Wales. Catherine, according to Hall, " like a 
natural woman, made much lamentation, howbeit, by the 
King's persuasion, she was comforted, but not shortly." It 
was in this month that Ferdinand requested his son-in-law 
to send him fifteen hundred English archers in aid of his 
crusade against the Moors of Barbary, and these were 
accordingly despatched under the command of Thomas, 
Lord Darcy. The expedition proved a miserable fiasco. It 
landed to discover that its services were not needed after all, 
for Ferdinand, finding himself hard pressed by Louis XII., 
had made a truce with the Infidels in order to prepare for the 
inevitable conflict with France. The stranded Englishmen 
sought solace in Spanish wines, which led, however, to 
intoxicated troubles with the natives, and in the end they 
returned home in high dudgeon. A similar expedition was 
sent under Sir Edward Poynings in this year to help 
Margaret of Savoy and the Burgundians against the Duke of 
Gelders. It did good service until Poynings, forced to the 
conclusion that the allies were making undue use of his 
' jrce, sought and obtained permission to return home. 

In the midst of these alarms and excursions the King 
discovered his right-hand man in Thomas Wolsey, who had 
entered the royal service as a chaplain some five years 
previously. Towards the end of Henry VII.'s reign this son 
of a well-to-do grazier and wool merchant of Ipswich — not a 
butcher, as sometimes stated even to this day — had been 
employed on State affairs, both in missions to James IV. of 
Scotland and the Emperor Maximilian, and had been 
rewarded with the deanery of Lincoln. With the new reign 
he had become almoner to the King, and, in this present 
year of 151 1, Canon of Windsor, attending the King wherever 
he happened to be staying, and advancing farther into favour 
everyday. "And being at Windsor, with his Majesty," as 
his biographer, Grove, says, "he wrote to his old patron, 
Bishop Fox, to acquaint him how matters passed at Court." 
Of this letter, as best showing Wolsey's sentiments, Grove 
prints the following extract : 



144 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

THOMAS WOLSEY TO BISHOP FOX. 
[Grove's " Life and Times of Cardinal Wolsey."] 

[Windsor, September 30, 151 1.] 

. . . After my most humble commendations with 
desire of your health and perfect recovery, may it 
please your good Lordship to understand : the 
ambassador of Spain hath liberally dealt with my 
Lord Darcy, and given him allowance for one whole 
month after 6d. the day, for every soldier, more than 
he could demand ; and the King, our master, hath 
for his part given to him the thousand pounds, which 
at his departing his Grace lent to him. Thus the 
King's money goes away in every kind ; and as 
touching the King's abode here, he intends not to 
depart hence till four or five days before Allhallow- 
tide. On Monday next coming his Grace proposes to 
ride to London to see his ship, there to tarry two 
days, and then return hither again. My Lord 
Treasurer Surrey waited on his Highness this day 
sevennight, and had such manner and countenance 
showed to him, that on the morrow he departed home 
again, and is not yet returned to court. With little 
help now he might be removed, whereof, in my poor 
judgment, no little good would ensue. Mr. Howard 
greatly incensed the King against the Scots, by whose 
wanton means his Grace spends much money, and is 
more disposed to war than peace. Your presence 
would be very necessary to repress this appetite. 
Other news we have none here, except that it is 
thought the Queen is with child ; when other affairs 
occur, I shall let you know, hoping God will preserve 
your good Lord in happiness. At Windsor in haste 
the last day of September, with the rude hand of 
your loving and humble priest. 

Obviously the young monarch had made it clear that he 
meant to be ruler in reality as well as in name, and Wolsey 
was wise enough not to run counter to that determination. 
He had, however, been trained in the cautious school of the 
last regime, and Fox had helped him to his present position 



V"Vc 




t -Cs ^^Vf*.^'"* ^j*"^ ""'"■ - ' ■ i '• / ; 



Emery Walker, Photo 
CARDINAL WOLSEY 
From the drawing attributed to Jacques de Boucq, of Artois, in the library of the 
town of Arras 



THE NEW KING 145 

in the hope that he might assist in the impossible task of 
shaping the new King's policy on the unadventurous lines of 
the old. Also he was to counteract as far as possible the 
influence of Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, who looked to 
the new monarch to restore the old nobility to something of 
their ancient power, and fed the military ardour of the 
impulsive King. The year closed with Henry fully com- 
mitted to an active share in European politics. The Holy 
League was concluded between Ferdinand and the Pope in 
October, and a few weeks later Henry was induced to join 
it, promising to defend the Papacy against the ruthless 
attacks of the French, and to make ready for war in the 
following year. Ferdinand lured him with the old promise 
of the reconquest of Guienne for England, in which the 
Spanish King would lend his aid, while helping himself to 
Navarre. Henry had yet to learn that Ferdinand's only aim 
was to use him for the furtherance of his own ambitions. 

It was in the preliminaries of this campaign that Wolsey's 
real genius first revealed itself. He was now part of the 
King's Council — its youngest member — and satisfied that the 
King had set his heart upon this war, he went to work with 
a will, soon finding himself saddled with the chief responsi- 
bilities of organizing the whole expedition. Henry himself, 
burning with zeal and indignation against the invaders of the 
holy Roman Church, tried in vain to pump some of his 
young enthusiasm into the more calculating mind of the 
bankrupt, irresolute Maximilian : 

HENRY VIII. TO THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN. 
[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."} 

[Greenwich, May 8, 15 12.] 

Most sacred majesty, cousin, and most dear brother, 
we keep constantly (as the peculiar state of the times 
and our very close relationship require) near your 
majesty's person our beloved ambassador Master 
Robert Wingfield, to whom we make known from 
day to day what things happen to us. We command 
him to relate all those same to your majesty dili- 
gently, which we doubt not that he has faithfully 

Y.H. L 



i 4 6 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 






done. Very lately, however, we wrote to him our 
just, reasonable, and most urgent motives for having 
taken up arms against the enemies of our most holy 
lord the Pope and against the invaders of the holy 
Roman Church, and how we have already made an 
expedition against them. For we have a good and 
well equipped fleet at sea, and likewise a land army, 
now for these five days past ready in our port ot 
Hampton, 1 as a little while ago we signified more 
fully through our said ambassador, and waiting for 
nothing but prosperous winds, in order to cross the 
sea against our foresaid enemies. We have besides 
got other and large supplies both of men and other 
things prepared and ready for service, of which your 
majesty shall shortly be informed. Lately, however, 
we have learnt of a sad misfortune and great disaster, 
which has happened at Ravenna, to our foresaid lord 
the Pope, and to the most serene king of Arragon, our 
very dear father; and how their enemies, without 
regard of God or man, by seizing first one, then 
another city, are continually advancing ; and much 
is it to be feared that they will seize not only the 
kingdom of Naples, all Italy, and Sicily, but, not 
content with these territories, they may forthwith, at 
their pleasure, make spoil of the holy Roman Church, 
and of all things spiritual and temporal. If this 
should happen (which God avert) both your majesty 
and we, the other Christian princes, would be forced 
to do homage to them ; and all Christendom, by 
degrees, would bow the neck to their yoke. 

Wherefore it seemeth to us that not only the 
dignity and estate of the Roman Church must be 
defended, but that we must look, in due time, to 
ourselves, to our own affairs, to our children and 
successors. And we doubt not but your majesty 
very plainly sees how much that undisguised lust for 
dominion among our said enemies is to be feared by 
the most illustrious prince of Castile, your kinsman 

1 Southampton. The fleet consisted of eighteen ships, and was 
commanded by Sir Edward Howard, Lord High Admiral. 



THE NEW KING 147 

and my very dear brother; for the kingdom of Naples, 
and many other states, belonging, in full right, to 
your illustrious kinsman and my very dear brother, 
are nearest to the danger. Wherefore, we beg and 
entreat your majesty that you will also undertake the 
defence of the holy Roman Church, of which you are 
the chief protector, and be willing to enter upon, and 
vigorously wage war against the foresaid enemies 
this just, holy, and somewhat necessary war, in order 
to remove the common danger; in which you will 
have, as your most close and faithful allies and 
brethren, the foresaid most serene king of Arragon 
and ourself, who, on our part, if your majesty under- 
take the foresaid war, will both do what we have said, 
on our royal word, and as becomes a most faithful 
brother in arms, and your majesty's son. We promise 
and engage that we will never desert your majesty in 
this undertaking ; nor will we make treaty, truce, or 
any peace with these enemies, without the advice and 
consent of your majesty, and of our said father the 
king of Arragon. 

According to the tenor of this letter, we both 
promise and assure that we will carry on the afore- 
said war, if begun, with vigour, and that we will 
continue, even to an honourable issue, the same, just 
as may seem good to your majesty and the said king 
of Arragon. As a proof and confirmation whereof, 
we, calling Almighty God to witness, have written 
these with our own hand. 

Wherefore, in defence of the above said holy 
Roman Church, and of your own majesty, and of 
the most illustrious lord the prince of Castile, your 
kinsman and my dear brother, and for the security of 
your and our successors, and for the common weal, 
undertake the said war with the aforesaid lord, most 
serene, the king of Arragon, and with us, your most 
faithful allies and most loving brother. That it will 
so please your majesty, we are confident ; and that 
you will not object to send us a letter, written with 
your own hand, similar to ours ; wherein you will do 

l 2 



148 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

us a most acceptable favour. May you fare most 
happily ! Your good brother and son, Henry R. 

There was no War Office in those days to attend to all the 
duties of mobilization ; no standing army to take the field 
at twenty-four hours' notice ; no paymaster-general freely 
supplied with public funds. All the controlling offices were 
combined in the King's own person, and paid for out of his 
privy purse. Henry at this juncture was doubly fortunate in 
finding ready to his hand a man whose gift for organization 
was almost superhuman, and a fortune which provided him 
with a war chest well filled. Special loans and subsidies 
were raised by the country when necessary, but, though the 
parliament had power to decide upon the amount, it never 
ventured in any way to regulate its expenditure, this being 
left entirely to the King's discretion — or lack of it. The 
army for the coming campaign was collected by means of 
letters similar to that which follows, " written unto all lords, 
knights, squires and gentlemen of every shire within this 
our realm " : 

HENRY VIII. TO SIR HENRY VERNON. 
["Rutland Papers," Part I. (Historical MSS» Commission).] 

[Greenwich, May 30, 15 12.] 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And 
forasmuch as for the defence of this our realm and 
resistance against outward enemies, it is necessarily 
requisite that all manner of our subjects able for the 
war should be put in sufficient readiness for the same, 
to do unto us sufficient service when the cause shall 
require, we therefore will and desire you, and never- 
theless command you, that with all diligence possible 
after the receipt of these our letters, ye not only 
prepare such and as many able men for the war 
sufficiently harnessed 1 as ye may and can prepare of 
our own tenants, and others inhabited within your 
offices and rooms and none other, but also make 
certificate in writing of their number to ourself, or to 

1 Equipped with armour for war. 



THE NEW KING 149 

the Bishop of Durham, our secretary, before the feast 
of St. John the Baptist next coming at the furthest, 
like as we have written unto all lords, knights, squires 
and gentlemen of every shire within this our realm. 

And therefore fail ye not to accomplish the pre- 
mises as you tend our honour and the surety of us, 
our realm, and subjects, so and in such wise that by 
your preparation of a good number of able men we 
may understand your towardly mind to do unto us 
service and pleasure, which shall be remembered 
according to your desert. And these our letters shall 
be your sufficient warrant and discharge in that 
behalf. 

On his side, Louis XII. issued letters patent ordering 
preparations to resist the attacks of the " ancient enemy 
of our said kingdom." The original text from which the 
following translation is made is printed by Alfred Spont in 
" Letters and Papers relative to the War with France in 
1512-13," in the publications of the Navy Records Society: 

PROCLAMATION OF LOUIS XII. 
[" The War with France in 15 12- 13."] 

[Blois, June 15, 1512.] 

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France. . . . 
Whereby all may clearly know and understand the 
great disloyalty shown towards us by certain princes, 
who, without any cause, quarrel, reason or occasion, 
and in contravention of their faith and promise, and 
the friendships, confederations, and alliances existing 
between us and them, and our kingdoms, countries, 
seigniories, and subjects, solemnly sworn and pro- 
mised by them, have joined with our enemies, forming 
a league and conspiracy together, and resolving to fall 
upon us and make war in all parts, and, principally, 
in our Kingdom, which they desire to ruin, destroy, 
plunder, and divide between them. And, verily, the 
King of England, ancient enemy of our said Kingdom, 
who has already invaded two places in this our 
Kingdom, is striving to enter our country of Guienne, 



150 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

and is preparing yet another descent on the coast of 
Picardy. 

Which machinations, conspiracies, and damnable 
attacks, we hope to overthrow with the help of God 
our Creator — who knows our good right, and the 
great wrong the said Princes are doing in contra- 
vening their faith and promises — and also by means of 
our good aad loyal subjects. 

And for this purpose we have made ready 1,200 
lances d'ordonnances, 1 a large number of foot soldiers, 
as many of our own country as foreigners, artillery, 
and other necessary things, together with a large and 
powerful navy. 

In the next letter, Andrea Badoer, the Venetian ambassador, 
describes the English King's eagerness for the war. The 
letter is worth quoting at length, not only for its picturesque 
summary of the intercourse then maintained between Venice 
and England, but also for its graphic account of the hard- 
ships of an ambassador's life in the days when modern 
diplomacy was yet in its infancy. Badoer was the first of 
the long series of Venetian ambassadors who lived at the 
English court from the last year of Henry VII. 's reign to 
the Republic's final downfall in 1797. In the long narrative 
preceding the following extract he describes his perilous 
journey of twenty-six days to England, riding night and day 
in disguise for fear of the French, until he embarked on an 
English ship at Calais bound for London. He explains how 
he was appointed to this mission, without any desire on his 
own part, but with the certain promise of one hundred 
ducats a month for his expenses, and the uncertain hope of 
some substantial reward when his services were over : 

ANDREA BADOER TO HIS BROTHER IN VENICE. 

[" Despatches of Sebastian Giustinian."] 

[London, July 24, 15 12.] 

... Having reached London, picture to yourself, 
noble brother, what a stately mission mine was ! for, 

1 Each lance d'ordonnance included six horsemen, one man-at-arms, 
two bowmen and three valets. — A . Spont. 



THE NEW KING 151 

on leaving Venice, to avoid suspicion, I took nothing 
with me but what was on my back — -namely, two 
shirts, one over the other, and a certain doublet in 
the English fashion, all patched and moth eaten, 
without purse or pocket, or anything in this world : 
in short, on arriving here, I had to clothe myself anew 
from head to foot, as a Venetian ambassador, just as 
if I had only then come into the world, and purchas- 
ing each of my penn'orths for twopence. Here they 
manufacture no cloths of silk, receiving all such from 
Genoa, Florence, and Lucca— a most grievous and 
lamentable fact, for it behoved me to take what I 
could get, and shut my eyes. Think what a figure I 
shall make in Venice, my neighbours' gowns being of 
silk, and my own of frieze. I bought everything new, 
at its weight in gold, at the greatest inconvenience, 
and worse ; for when at Venice, I shall be unable to 
use my apparel, as it is all made more according to 
the English fashion than that of Italy. In the next 
place, I had to hire servants who were common 
thieves, not knowing whom to trust ; and to give you 
an idea of what they were, you must know that one 
glutton robbed me of a silver gilt ewer, for which I 
paid twenty-eight ducats. 

I found that the King, his present Majesty's father, 
to whom my credentials had been made out, was sick, 
nor could he give me audience, and a few days after- 
wards he died, and was succeeded by his son, about 
the time of the rout of the Ghiara d' Adda. I wrote 
to Venice, that the letter of credence was no longer 
valid, and that another must be sent me, the which 
did not arrive until the following month of November, 
so you see how I should have served the State had I 
waited for that ! It is well, that through the English 
noblemen whom I had received of yore in my house 
at Venice (giving them good welcome, not indeed that 
I ever thought at the time of going to England, but 
for my own satisfaction), I was introduced to this 
magnanimous prince, not ten days after his corona- 
tion, they having heed of my need, and exerting 



152 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

themselves so, that their intercession and arguments 
caused the King to receive my old letter, although 
addressed to his father. By God's grace he was 
silent on this score, and heard me so graciously, 
that, by the favour of the Almighty, he took a liking 
to me immediately, owing to the good account of me 
given to his Majesty by my friends, and I was enabled 
so to influence him, that I got him to write to the 
Pope in favour of our most illustrious Signory, request- 
ing him to receive the State into favour and take off 
the censures : his Majesty promising for us that we 
would prove most obedient sons of the Church in 
the future. He made such efforts as succeeded ; and, 
in addition, sent his ambassador 1 to Rome, who con- 
stantly took part with the Venetians, and against 
France. After this, I prevailed on him to write some 
letters to the King of Spain, praying his Catholic 
majesty to consider the most illustrious Signory as 
his ally ; and he also wrote endless letters to the 
Emperor, sending him an ambassador to this effect. 
I also caused the King of France to be written to, to 
desist from the league against the Venetians, having 
obtained what belonged to him in the Duchy of Milan, 
whereas he had no claim upon the other possessions ; 
and to assure him, that if he chose to continue in 
amity with his Majesty here, he was to cease molesting 
the Venetians his good friends and good Christians, 
defenders of the Christian faith, who had proved 
themselves the bulwark of Christendom, by a most 
immense outlay, both of blood and treasure. Upon 
this the King of France took offence, and answered 
sharply, I fanning the flame from time to time, and 
by letters from the said Majesty quieting the Pope and 
the Catholic King his father-in-law ; and thus, when 
these powers saw the King of England well disposed 
towards the Venetians, they likewise commenced 
siding with the Pope, but the chief impediment lay 
with the Emperor, but I so plied the King, that he 
wrote to him offering to mediate and arrange every 
1 Christopher Bainbridge, Archbishop of York. 



THE NEW KING 153 

difficulty between the Signory and his Caesarian 
Majesty. After so much exertion, toil, and trouble, 
which never left me a single hour's happiness, nor 
even repose, I was seized with a malignant fever, 
which never left me for thirty-seven days. Thou 
mayst imagine how I was waited on, and by whom, 
and with how much kindness, during this my malady, 
and who came to comfort me. I had two physicians, 
each of whom chose to receive a noble per diem, 
which is equal to a ducat and a half, and their coming 
waj> as beneficial to me as if they had stayed away, 
and when I had completed my thirty-seven days' 
fever in bed, the King received a reply from the 
Emperor, and not knowing that I was so very ill, 
sent to tell me to come and speak with him ; so, 
regardless of the fever, I rose from my bed, on 
St. Catharine's eve, the 24th of November, and went 
to the Court at Greenwich, six miles distant hence, 
by water, though all dissuaded me from doing so, 
thinking it would be my death. When the King saw 
me, he wept for very pity at my having come, it 
seeming to him that I had been taken out of my 
grave, and he then told me he had received a reply 
from the Emperor, and from his daughter my lady 
Margaret, who was also doing her best to aid us, 
having been exhorted to this office by his Majesty, 
who asked me if I had full powers. I told him I 
would not lie ; that I would write speedily, and that 
the most illustrious Signory, should it approve the 
agreement, would send me a commission ; so I 
despatched two messengers on this errand, and, after 
a while, received the powers. Before these letters of 
mine went to Venice, however, a sapient nobleman 
there, ignorant of my exertions, and still less aware 
that my credentials had been accepted (it seeming to 
him that my coming here was futile and vain), thought 
fit one day to propose in the Senate, as grand sage, 
that I should return home, without having even heard 
what I had done, but anticipating that I should 
do nothing. Whereupon, another nobleman, Master 



154 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Lorenzo Orio, LL.D./who was sage for the orders, 
inspired by God for the State's weal to speak in my 
defence (for I had never exchanged a word with him), 
and thinking I was wronged, proposed an amendment 
to the grand sage's motion, purporting that I was to 
remain, but that my monthly stipend should be reduced 
from ioo to 70 ducats, and this was carried. Not a 
word, however, was written to me on the subject, and 
I continued, according to my wont, to spend rather 
more than less, especially seeing our affairs prosper ; 
and wishing to prove to the whole world our joy and 
gladness, I did not mind spending freely for the honour 
of the State, imagining that my salary remained fixed 
at 100 ducats per month, until about three months ago, 
the news aforesaid was communicated to me by my 
son-in-law. I then wrote to entreat the most illus- 
trious Signory not to do me this wrong, whilst the 
salaries of others were being increased, as was the 
case with the late Messer Hieronimo Donato, about 
whom my said son-in-law also wrote to me when 
mentioning this reduction. Donato's pay was greater 
than mine, although he endured no hardships, whereas 
I was made to leave Venice under this promise, and 
came hither without money, or without insisting on 
bank security, as Lorenzo Capello did, who kept his 
eyes wide open to his own interest, whilst I departed 
in the old fashion, hoping for great reward and spend- 
ing my poor substance on the faith of the most excellent 
Council of Ten, which never fails to remunerate the 
good services of every one, besides keeping its posi- 
tive promises, and yet these last, as made to me, are 
broken ! What reward can I hope for now ? you 
ought all to take pity on me. But, indeed, I have 
not yet related the worst. I have been nineteen 
months without ever receiving a single ducat, and 
ten months without so much as a letter, but I was 
patient the whole while, receiving the greatest 

1 Dr. Orio subsequently became himself ambassador to England, 
where he found much favour with Wolsey, but died of plague in 
London on May 17, 1526. 



THE NEW KING 155 

encouragement from my poor son-in-law (who in 
like manner never enjoys a moment's repose), bearing 
all with patience, in order to attend to my business 
for the welfare of my most dear city and country, 
continuing my importunate suit to the King here. 
Seeing that no money was sent me, I lived plainly 
and on credit, just as if I had been at an hostel, 
paying three for what was worth one, and taking up 
money on bills and at usury, so that I am in debt for 
life. From time to time I wrote to the State what I 
had done, and what I was doing, and with sincerity, 
but at Venice I was not believed, and often did they 
say to my poor son-in-law, " Thy father-in-law writes 
fables : write to him that it would be more to his credit 
to hold his tongue, than to write what he does," not 
crediting my words, the truth of which was known 
but to me, the person who had told me to write them 
binding me to silence, and saying " Keep it secret ; 
and let the effect suffice you." I wrote, therefore, 
because I knew what I was saying, but none of these 
merchants here believed this, and all notified the 
contrary, saying, that I was pounding water in a 
mortar, and that it would have been better I had not 
been sent hither, and that although I gave them hopes, 
I did so for my own private advantage, and so forth ; 
in such wise, that they did not choose to believe me, 
and when I wrote about the league, although I did 
not ever mention either the name of the Pope or of 
the others, they answered that they did not believe it, 
whereas I, dear brother Luke, maintained it, and 
almost by force and against their will, assured them 
that it was perfectly true, and that all I have written 
took place through my good offices. Nevertheless, 
is the promise which was made me broken, and no 
recollection preserved of the perils encountered by 
me in coming here, nor of my illness brought on 
by my exertion, nor of the risk to my life, when I 
rose from my sick bed and went down to Greenwich 
in the depth of winter. Nor is any consideration 
vouchsafed for my pecuniary interests, which have 



156 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

suffered through my coming ; nor yet for the costs I 
incurred in forwarding despatches to France, to Spain, 
to Rome, and to the Emperor ; of these matters no 
heed soever is taken in Venice, it seeming to them 
that I have been at no expense, and that all the 
money received by me here, at the rate of 70 ducats 
per month, was disbursed for my ordinary expenditure. 
Oh God ! I know not where this would be credited, 
or to whom I should tell it. I will, moreover, say 
this to you, that from ambassador they degraded 
me to secretary, and now choose to requite me thus 
ungratefully, although I am convinced that never did 
ambassador leave Venice in sorrier plight than mine, 
and do as much as I have done. By means of my 
exertions here, war was subsequently declared against 
France. Italy being thus wrested from the hands of 
the barbarians, by this movement of the English King, 
although some attribute this result to Ferdinand ol 
Spain, yet would he never have moved, had he not 
been acquainted, in the first place, with the wish of 
King Henry. It was the same with the Pope and 
others, and much good was done in sundry matters 
effected, as will be seen, through my intervention, 
whilst I am so treated by my country, that from grief 
and melancholy I dread being unable to bear it, and 
I must die outright, or make my escape, and not pay 
those who have served me ; or else be put in prison 
and die, leaving my bones in pawn, should money not 
be sent me, for otherwise it will behove me to remain 
here until the day of judgment, in the event of my not 
paying, for escape is impossible, being in an island ; 
neither should I choose to have recourse to so base an 
alternative, but would prefer death, after which it will 
at least be said that I died for Venice : and then I am 
comforted by the proverb, that he who dies a noble 
death is respected by the whole country. And it is 
also some consolation to me to think, that should no 
good be done to me, it will be done to my repre- 
sentatives. I have contrived to get on for forty-three 
months ; and before I receive a reply to this, and can 



THE NEW KING 157 

reach home, four years will have elapsed, during 
which long period I have received in all 3,249 ducats ! 
See whether they have given me what they promised, 
having thus altered the original arrangement. Should 
you aid me, as I am sure of your special grace you 
will, I ask you for my arrears, without my extra- 
ordinary expenditure, whereof I only demand 600 
ducats on account, although I spent many more. 
See if a sum can be sent me all at once, for payment 
of my debts, and to defray the cost of my journey. 
I only ask for 1,500 ducats, and this much would 
enable me to leave this country in comfort. Dear 
Messer Luke ! Magnifico ! my honoured brother ! 
aid me heartily, as you have ever done in my need, 
for this is the occasion whereon you will bind me to 
you for ever : again I beseech it of you as a special 
favour on my knees, aid me ! and I recommend myself 
to your magnificence per infinita scecula sceculorum. 

Henry's first attempt to win renown in the field, though it 
revealed Wolsey's genius for organization, proved a sorry 
failure. The army which he despatched to Spain on June 3, 
1512, under the command of the Marquess of Dorset, was 
to co-operate with Ferdinand in a combined invasion of 
Guienne, but, having landed, eager for action, the force 
waited in vain for the Spanish Sovereign to perform his part 
of the bargain. Ferdinand, however, had other irons in the 
fire besides the reconquest of Guienne for England, and 
wanted the English army first of all — though nothing was 
said about it in the treaty — to help him in adding to his 
own dominions the independent kingdom of Navarre, on 
the flimsy excuse of its leanings towards the French. He 
pointed out to Dorset the danger of leaving such tempting 
territory in their rear for the French themselves to seize 
while they were busily engaged in Guienne, and, though the 
English commander declined to be drawn, the mere presence 
of his army enabled Ferdinand to help himself to Navarre 
without fear of interference from Louis XII. Meantime the 
English soldiers — raw undisciplined levies who knew nothing 
of active service abroad— chafed and fretted through the 



i 5 8 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

tropical months of a Spanish summer. The commanders 
were incapable ; insubordination broke out both in the fleet 
and in the army ashore ; and the whole force presently 
returned home in defiance of the King's commands. Such 
an incident is surely without parallel in English history. 

Henry was furious. According to Polydore Vergil, who 
had access to authentic materials, he told his father-in-law 
that he might seize every man and cut his throat if he still 
defied him; but if this message was ever sent it did not 
arrive in time to stop the returning army. 

Perhaps the King's ruffled feelings were soothed when he 
heard the whole truth from his own officers ; or it may have 
been hard to discriminate when so many were to blame ; 
but whatever the reason, no punishment was meted out, and 
the whole affair was hushed up as speedily as possible. This 
did not prevent the English army from falling into bad 
repute on the Continent Margaret of Savoy voiced a wide- 
spread opinion when discussing the affair with the English 
ambassador. " Then spake my Lady,' writes Poynings to 
Henry VIII. from Brussels on October 14, " with a qualm 
of a little melancholy; about her stomach, . . . saying that 
Englishmen had so long abstained from war they lack 
experience from disuse, and as it is reported, they be now 
almost weary of it." 1 The story of the English troops' 
behaviour led to so much raillery abroad that Henry, 
inwardly fuming over the disgrace which had fallen upon his 
first serious attempt to unsheath the sword in European 
politics, sent a letter to Poynings and his other ambassadors 
in which he told them, with a craftiness which his wily 
father-in-law would have been the first to appreciate, how 
the return of the army was to be explained away. They 
were to say that King Ferdinand, hearing of the constant 
rains in those parts, " to the intolerable pains of the soldiers 
of our said army," had agreed with him that they should 
return. Nevertheless the disgrace rankled, and Henry, 
determined to wipe it out as speedily as possible, looked 
eagerly forward to the invasion of France in the following 
year, prepared to lead his army in person. 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 426. 



CHAPTER V 

WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND (1513) 

Henry's Eagerness for Fresh Campaign — Wolsey'sTGenius for 
Organization — English Domestic Life — Preparations for War in 
England and France — James IV. Sides with France — Sir Edward 
Howard's Fatal Fight with Pr6gent — Lord Thomas Howard 
Succeeds his Brother — Ferdinand's Treacherous Truce with 
France — Henry Sails with his Invading Army — Catherine 
Appointed Governor in his Absence — Henry's Army Marches 
to the Front — Catherine's Anxiety — James IV. Unmasks — 
Catherine's Preparations for War — Battle of the Spurs — 
Catherine's Congi atulations — Flodden Field — Erasmus and the 
Battle — Fate of the Franco-Scottish Fleet — Catherine's Trophy 
of Victory — James's Neglected Remains — Henry's Visit to 
Margaret at Lille — Surrender of Tournay — Brian Tuke's 
Summary of Events — Charles Brandon and Margaret of Savoy — 
Henry's Share in their Flirtation — Elizabeth Blount — Henry's 
Return — Replies to Pope's Proposals for Peace — Border 
Warfare — Rewards for Flodden — England's Increasing Influence. 

The King, wrote Catherine to Cardinal Bainbridge, 
Henry's ambassador in Rome, " is so bent on the war 
against the French, the foes of the Church, that he is 
determined never to rest or desist until their King be utterly 
destroyed ; having said openly to all hearers that he firmly 
believed that neither the Pope nor his very dear father 
(King Ferdinand) would ever desert him, though if by any 
chance they should happen thus to do, yet he would never 
withdraw from this war until that schismatical sovereign be 
made an end of." 1 All through the winter Wolsey was 
proving his powers of planning and organization with a 
thoroughness and enthusiasm which more than ever won the 
King's favour. He not only provided for the whole victualling 
of the fleet — down even to the number of beer-barrels — but 
also saw to the selection of the captains and crews. It is 
not surprising, as Dr. Creighton says in his life of the 
Cardinal, that Bishop Fox wrote to him, " I pray God send 
us with the speed, and soon deliver you of your outrageous 
1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 83. 



160 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

charge and labour." In the midst of all these preparations 
for war comes a letter which depicts the domestic side of 
English life at that period with many curious details. It is 
written by Nicolo di Favri, attached to the Venetian 
Embassy in London, to Andrea Badoer's son-in-law, 
Francesco Gradenigo, and is printed in the Venetian 
Calendar from the Sanuto Diaries : 

NICOLO DI FAVRI TO FRANCESCO GRADENIGO. 

[Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[London, January 23, 1513-] 

In England the houses are all of wood, and both 
rooms and corridors are of the same material. Over 
the floors they strew weeds called " rushes," which 
resemble reeds, and which grow on the water. Every 
eight or ten days they put down a fresh layer ; the 
cost of each layer being a Venetian livre, more or less, 
according to the size of the house. 

In England the women go to market for household 
provisions ; if gentlewomen they are preceded by two 
men servants. Their usual vesture is a cloth petticoat 
over the shift, lined with grey squirrel's or some other 
fur ; over the petticoat they wear a long gown lined 
with some choice fur. The gentlewomen carry the 
train of the gown under the arm ; the commonality 
pin it behind or before, or at one side. The sleeves 
of the gown sit as close as possible ; are long, and 
unslashed throughout, the cuffs being lined with some 
choice fur. Their headgear is of various sorts of 
velvet, cap fashion, with lappets hanging down behind 
over their shoulders like two hoods ; and in front they 
have two others, lined with some other silk. Their 
hair is not seen, so cannot say whether it be light or 
dark. Others wear on their heads muslins, which 
are distended, and hang at their backs, but not far 
down. Some draw their hair from under a kerchief, 
and wear over the hair a cap, for the most part white, 
round, and seemly ; others again wear a kerchief in 
folds on the head : but be the fashion as it may, the 
hair is never seen. Their stockings are black and 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 161 

their shoes doubly soled, of various colours, but no 
one wears u choppines," as they are not in use in 
England. When they meet friends in the street, they 
shake hands, and kiss on the mouth, and go to some 
tavern to regale, their relatives not taking this amiss, 
as such is the custom. The women are very beautiful 
and good-tempered. 

The men are well made, tall, and stout ; well clad, 
wearing gowns called doublets plaited on the 
shoulders, reaching half-way down the leg, and lined 
with several sorts of very fine furs. On their heads 
they wear caps with one or two ornaments ; with 
short hair like the priests in Venice, the hair over the 
forehead being cut away. 

In England no one makes bread at home ; but 
every morning all take it at the baker's, and keep 
tallies there ; at present bread is dear on account of 
the war. The price of meat has more than doubled, 
as a "milizia" 1 (sic) has been salted for the army, 
and very great preparation is making to stand the 
brunt ; and by day and night, and on all festivals, 
the cannon founders are at work. 

The Venetian ambassador is at great expense, as 
he daily receives visits from one nobleman or another, 
most especially now that Parliament is sitting. 

The floors of the English houses are for the most 
part planked. Aloft, at the window-sills (which are 
all of wood), they put rosemary, sage and other herbs. 
In England it is always windy, and however warm 
the weather, the natives invariably wear furs. At 
present it has not yet been cold here, nor is it rainy 
or muddy. The summers are never very hot, neither 
is it ever very cold. 

. . . The King of England has an army of picked 
men in Scotland, under a valiant commander, called 
my Lord Treasurer, one of the King's chief ministers, 

1 On May 25, 1512, it was recorded that 25,000 oxen were 
salted for the army, so " milizia " is probably a mistake for 
" migliaja," and was meant to signify that " thousands (of oxen) 
had been salted for the army." — Rawdon Brown. 

Y.H. M 



i62 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

a man 70 years old and upwards, to whom, on the 
Scottish border, the King of Scotland sent " carta 
biancha" and they made terms together. It is said 
in England that the perfidious King of France caused 
the King of Scots to attack King Henry, but that the 
English had made provision betimes. 

A third force, consisting of a number of ships, under 
a valiant Admiral, the men being all picked, is at sea. 
They sighted a Frenchman, on board of which were 
200 French gentlemen ; whereupon a brave captain of 
an English ship went into action against it, with his 
own vessel alone. The engagement lasted until both 
ships caught fire, and were burnt, all the hands being 
drowned ; but France was by far the greater loser, for 
200 gentlemen were on board the Frenchman, whereas 
England did but lose the captain ; on which account 
the English are more than ever determined not to hear 
the Frenchman named. . . - 1 

The Parliament has decided that the King is to 
cross the Channel in the spring, in person, with 
60,000 troops, all picked men, a match for 100,000. 
It is said that the King of France will not even 
fight, and that the King of England will have a great 
victory. 

Formerly many rich French merchants had houses 
in London ; some of those who remain have been 
imprisoned, and their goods seized and sequestrated. 
Some French tradesmen have also remained, but 
when the English found them abroad, they maltreated 
them. 

A tax of a tenth has been levied throughout the 
kingdom. The lords and great personages pay 
according to their property ; tradesmen, servants and 
attendants one penny per head, equal to twenty-eight 

1 This refers to the naval engagement between the English and 
French fleets off Brest, about which the historians of both sides 
differ so completely that it is impossible to say exactly what happened. 
All are agreed, however, as to the fate of the great ships, the Regent 
of England, commanded by Sir Thomas Knyvet, and the Cordeliere. 
Both ships, falling on board each other, caught fire and foundered, 
with the loss of their commanders and from 1,000 to 1,500 men. 
Only six men of the Cordeliere and 180 of the Regent survived. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 163 

Venetian " piccoli." This tax will yield a million of 
gold, so that the King means to make war. The 
King is a young man of three-and-twenty ; when he 
moves the ground shakes under him; he is well 
made, tall, and stout, and very fond of the Venetian 
ambassador, whom he chooses to accompany him, 
so that the ambassador requires money for his 
outfit. ... 

Henry's troops were mustered by a popular call to arms 
on behalf of " God's quarrel," and against England's 
hereditary foe. Here is one of many such letters which, 
doubtless, were despatched at the same time : 

HENRY VIII. TO SIR DAVID OWEN. 
[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."'] 

[Greenwich, February 22, 15 13.] 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And 

whereas we, according to our duty to God, and to 

His Church, at the instant requests and desires of 

the Pope's holiness and other Christian princes, our 

confederates and allies, have, for the defence of the 

said Church, being by our enemy the French King 

oppressed, and the extinctness of the detestable 

schisms raised by certain perverse cardinals, and 

maintained by the same King, entered actual war 

against him, intending (God willing) by the aid and 

assistance of such our confederates and allies as shall 

join with us in that, God's quarrel, to pursue and 

continue the said wars, and personally to proceed 

into France with an army royal next this summer, as 

well for that our purpose, as for recovering our right 

there. We signify unto you that, for our better 

assistance in that behalf, we have appointed you, 

amongst others, to pass over with us in this journey 

and voyage, with the number of a hundred able men 

meet for the wars, to be by you provided ; whereof 

three score to be archers and forty bills l on foot, 

sufficiently harnessed 2 and appointed for the wars. 



1 Soldiers carrying bills or halberts. 

2 Clad in armour. 



M 2 



164 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Willing and desiring you, therefore, not only to 
prepare yourself for that purpose, but also with all 
speedy diligence to put the said number of men in 
convenient readiness accordingly, and to ascertain us 
thereof by your writing on this side the beginning of 
April next coming at the farthest, and at the same 
season to send unto us some discreet servant of yours 
to receive money for jackets, 1 and conducting of the 
said number ; to the intent that you with the same 
number may be ready to be set forward towards us, 
at any time after, when we by our writing shall 
require you so to do. 

And these our letters, signed and sealed with our 
own hand and signet, shall be a sufficient warrant 
and discharge unto you in that behalf, as though the 
same had passed under our great seal of England, 
any act, statute, or ordinance heretofore made to the 
contrary, concerning retainers, notwithstanding. Fail 
ye not to accomplish the premises, as you tender the 
honour and surety of us, and of this our realm, and 
the advancement and furtherance of this meritorious 
voyage. 

After months of tedious negotiations Henry succeeded at 
last in buying the support of the Emperor Maximilian, who, 
while he had a poor opinion of English arms, and favoured 
the prospects of France, had the highest regard for English 
crowns. He wrote his decision to his daughter Margaret, 
through whom the long pourparlers were conducted with 
Henry's ambassadors : 

MAXIMILIAN I. TO MARGARET OF SAVOY. 

[" Lettres de Louis XII.," Vol. IV., p. 88.] 

[Ulm, March 16, 15 13.] 

Very dear and well beloved Daughter, 

We have received your letters of the fifth day of 
this month, and from the same we learn, among other 
things, how the Ambassadors of our brother, the King 

1 Jacks, or coats of mail. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 165 

of England, have communicated to you the final reply 
of our said brother on the articles you had referred to 
them ; also that, according to the directions of our 
said brother, he is only willing to grant us one 
hundred thousand £cus of gold instead of one hundred 
and twenty-five thousand, which was mentioned in 
the said articles, and that he will pay in three pay- 
ments : namely, the first, within one month after we 
have become the declared enemy of the King of 
France ; the second, when we, or our deputies, have 
actually made war against France ; and the third, 
within three months after — all payments to be made 
in the town of Calais, into the hands of those we 
shall appoint for this purpose ; and that as regards 
the assistance of six thousand soldiers, required by 
the eighth article, he has neither intention nor desire, 
for the reasons set forth in your said letters, than to 
do always as his predecessors did with those of our 
House of Burgundy. 

All of which, very dear and well loved Daughter, 
we advertise you are very content to accept, and 
also to contract with our said brother, the King of 
England, the treaty in accordance with his wishes, to 
which you have agreed with the said Ambassadors. 
And we desire and request that, forthwith and without 
more delay, you conclude and execute the said treaty 
in virtue of the powers you have already received 
from us ; that you inform us, with all diligence, how 
and in what manner we are to declare and publish 
ourselves the enemy of the said King of France ; that 
you will, by every means, require that the payment of 
the said hundred thousand ^cus be made in our town 
of Antwerp, and that the said Ambassadors advance 
the said payments with all despatch, for we are 
utterly resolved that immediately the said publica- 
tion is made we will, without any delay, begin actual 
war against the French. And we desire that you 
keep us advised, with all diligence, of what you shall 
arrange or purpose to do, so that we may order 
ourselves accordingly. So may our gracious Lord, 



166 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

very dear and beloved Daughter, have you in His 
keeping. Your good Father, Maximilian. 

Henry now prepared gaily for the war in spite of the 
threatening cloud on his northern border, for James IV., 
notwithstanding his marriage with Margaret Tudor, Henry's 
elder sister, was only biding his time to carry out his 
long-cherished plan of invading England. He sided with 
Louis XII. against the Holy League, and promised to help 
him in his war with England by crossing the border himself, 
and also by sending a Scottish fleet to co-operate with the 
French. The strained relations then existing between Henry 
and his brother-in-law, as well as Henry's determination to 
proceed with the war at all costs, are revealed in the English 
monarch's letter to Cardinal Remus in connexion with the 
change in the Papacy, the bellicose Julius II. having died in 
February. He was succeeded in the following month by the 
more timid Leo X. — Giovanni de' Medici, the second son of 
Lorenzo the Magnificent — who was at once anxious to patch 
up the quarrel with France. Leo's accession, like that of 
Henry himself, raised many hopes that were destined never 
to be fulfilled. He loaded Raffaelle with honours, but for the 
rest did comparatively little to deserve his high reputation as 
a princely patron of the arts : 

HENRY VIII. TO CARDINAL REMUS. 
[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."'] 

[April 12, 15 13.] 

My Lord Cardinal, 

We inform you that we have received from Rome 
two or three letters of yours concerning the death of 
Pope Julius, and the election of his holiness our Lord 
Pope Leo. And most acceptable to us is this singular 
diligence, which you have exercised in performing all 
our affairs there, according to our wish and purpose. 
Although we have been much grieved at hearing of 
the death of Pope Julius, yet, when news was brought 
us that my lord Cardinal de' Medici had been advanced, 
by Divine grace, to that high dignity and authority, 
we felt incredible consolation and joy, when we con- 
sidered with what discretion, with what humanity, 
in short, with what piety and conscientiousness, he 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 167 

instantly confirmed that most holy league entered 
into for the defence of the Church of God, and 
attached himself to the same ; as we have clearly 
understood from the very devout brief of his holiness, 
wherein he signifies that he ardently favours ourself 
and the Catholic King, our very dear father, and on 
us he rests all his hope, on us, upon whose shoulders 
leans all the burden of expenses, of dangers, of the 
disaster of the war, kindled in order to defend the 
church, and free it from the savage tyranny of the 
King of the French, who is the common enemy of all 
Christian princes. 

And, forasmuch as we ourself have congratulated 
his holiness upon his admission to so elevated a 
station, returning to him never-ending thanks for 
the singular goodwill wherewith he honours us, as 
appears from our letters (a copy of which, here 
enclosed, you will receive) and as we think proper 
to leave to your lordship all the remaining duty of 
congratulation. Nevertheless, since his holiness, after 
having exhorted us to declare our opinion to him, as 
to the making of peace, yet begs and conjures us to 
persevere in our holy and pious purpose, as we pro- 
mised to do in our very last letter, which we wrote 
to Julius, his predecessor. We wish and desire your 
devout lordship to signify to his holiness that, although 
this encouragement of his to the settling of peace be 
praiseworthy, honourable, good and holy, yet, when 
we reflect on the incredible amount of money which 
we have expended in order to maintain this war 
against our chief enemy the King of the French, in 
order to defend the Church of God and the honour of 
the Apostolic See ; when, moreover, we reflect on the 
great preparations which, by land and sea, we have 
made in order to continue the aforesaid war against 
the same our enemy, having brought thereto the 
assistance of the emperor, and of our very dear 
father, the Catholic King, both of whom have 
leagued with us to invade the French, we by no 
means can consent to any kind of peace, without 



168 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

great dishonour as well as loss to ourself. More- 
over, the confederation entered into between us, the 
emperor, and the Catholic King, forbids us to accept 
any terms of peace without their mutual consent. 

Wherefore (if I am not exceeding mistaken) his 
holiness, having weighed carefully the aforesaid 
reasons, considering and judging a peace now to 
be to us prejudicial, since we have begun so great 
a war to defend the Church, has in his brief exhorted 
us rather to continue the war begun, than to desist from 
war, by condescending to a base and dishonourable 
peace ; especially since the greatest danger might 
ensue after this sudden reconciliation to our chief 
enemy, who aims at nothing else but the subjugation 
of the high pontiff, the universal Church — in short, 
all Christian princes, to his will and pleasure. And 
for this mark of his holiness's good will towards us, 
we beg of your lordship to return him exceeding 
thanks in our name. 

Your devout lordship will relate to his holiness, 
that our fleet of twelve thousand men is now put to 
sea, in order to invade the enemy ; and we have now 
above forty thousand soldiers, most powerful means, 
wherewith we, in person, will attack the French 
towards the end of the month of May; and the 
commander of the first armament, with supplies and 
the engines of war, is now crossing the sea. When 
this our declaration of war against the King of the 
French, with whom he had a profound and advanta- 
geous peace, was made, in order to defend the 
Church, and free it from tyranny, and when this 
confederation, which our most holy lord has now 
engaged in, was entered into, we firmly believed 
that his holiness would follow the footsteps of his 
predecessor in defending the Church of God, and 
protecting his allies ; so as to confirm and fulfil all 
the points of the league, and bind himself expressly, 
as his predecessor has done, both to us and all the 
other allies, that we may be safe and well assured of 
his firm concurrence in this matter. And we not 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND i6g 

merely desire that his holiness send to us this 
engagement done in his own hand, but also entreat 
him, in God's name, to declare open war on the 
common enemy, as his aforesaid predecessor pro- 
mised us in his many briefs and letters, which your 
devout lordship has caused to be written to us to 
that effect. For he often promised us that he would 
send his army, together with the viceroy of Naples, 
into the south of France, and would cause the 
Venetians to do the same ; so that, this point being 
accomplished, the wickedness and pride of the 
common enemy would be checked: and our most 
holy Lord, the Church, Italy, all Christian princes, 
would live in peace and tranquillity, and the common 
expedition against the infidels would be concluded 
upon, by the unanimous assent of us all. For, if we 
should assent so suddenly to making peace, when as 
yet the ambitious and haughty spirit of the common 
enemy is not subdued, who strives after nothing else 
but that he may again subjugate all Italy, and make 
the Church of God his menial servant, no little 
danger would hang over us, as his holiness, I am 
well assured, right well considers. For his holiness, 
in his brief, very sagaciously writes, " The above- 
named common enemy, under pretence and colour 
of peace, would be able to compass (as his custom 
is) many things against the Church and her con- 
federates." Wherefore as we, in conjunction with 
the emperor, and our very dear father, the Catholic 
King of Arragon, shall presently make a beginning of 
the war, in which (as we hope by God's favour) the 
extreme ambition and impiety of the common enemy 
will be restrained, it seemeth to us more expedient to 
teach him by force of arms to know himself, than to 
make with him a sudden' peace ; for, if we should 
spare him now, almost overpowered, we should give 
him good motive and reason for openly attacking his 
holiness, ourself, and the other partners of the con- 
federation. In short, he would be puffed up with 
pride and ambition much more than before. . . . 



170 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

We have lately understood that the king of Scots, 
when he was informed that an interdict of his kingdom 
had been conceded to us by Pope Julius, despatched 
to Rome the Bishop of Murray, not only to impede, 
in behalf of the French, the carrying out and enforcing 
of the aforesaid interdict, but also to treat with our 
sovereign lord Pope Leo, to deny to us a fresh con- 
firmation of this latter interdict; your devout lordship, 
therefore, may look to this matter. We ourself do not 
wish the censure to be published against him, before 
he break peace openly with us, contrary to his pro- 
mises and oath, even as reason, laws, and justice 
demand. 

The aforesaid king of Scots lately made use of 
these words to our dean of Windsor, ambassador at 
his court: — "I will appeal from the carrying out of 
that interdict." Then our ambassador answered, 
that he could not appeal from the proceedings of 
the Pope, who had no superior. "Then," says he, 
" I will appeal to Pregent, the pirate and apostate, 
admiral of the French King's galleys ; " and many 
other scoffing words he used against the authority of 
our sovereign lord. Which folly (as we think) ought 
to be chastised, since it is unseemly and impious so 
shamefully to speak against the sovereign pontiff, the 
head of our religion. Further, he said he would not 
yield obedience to the Pope, if he should take any 
measure against himself for breaking peace with us ; 
and other haughty and arrogant language he added, 
as he is wont to do. 

We have received a copy of the said king of Scots' 
letter, which he sent to the sacred College of Cardinals, 
wherein he exhorts them to settle an universal peace 
among Christians. Moreover, he accuses ourself, that 
we refused a passage to his ambassadors, who were 
sent into France to treat of the same peace. He also 
imputed to us that, when he had sent to us the brief 
of Pope Julius deceased, written to himself about 
treating of peace, that we affirmed the aforesaid 
Pope had changed his opinion on that point ; with 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 171 

other specious and high-coloured sayings; he wishing 
to succour the French King rather than the Christian 
Commonwealth, or to prepare any expedition against 
the infidels ; which he is neither willing to do, nor 
could he, if he were willing. Though all these things 
are vain and silly, we wish your devout lordship to 
answer them, that contentious slanderings may be 
done away. 

After the engagement at Ravenna, Pope Julius, 
being driven to straits, wrote to all Christian princes, 
concerning making peace ; but, when he considered 
that by such a peace the Frenchman might recover 
his strength, and return into Italy with refreshed 
vigour, to the greatest detriment of the Church ; when, 
moreover, he called to mind that he could make no 
peace without the consent of the confederates; he not 
only wrote to us a brief, counteracting the former, 
that we should persevere in the design of carrying on 
the war, but also he sent a brief to the king of Scots, 
wherein he begged him not to suffer himself to be 
deluded by the French, and to follow our footsteps ; 
he signified also to him that a treaty was entered into 
between himself and the emperor. Having found this 
opportunity, we have answered the king of Scots, 
that we cannot assent to any peace. This was the 
reason that we did not grant a safe-conduct to the 
Bishop of Murray, that he might go in safety to the 
king of the French. He however had raised a rumour 
(as his custom is), that he had from us authority to 
settle a peace ; which affair would have brought on 
us no little dishonour. Yet for all this, we have 
offered to the aforesaid bishop a safe-conduct, if he 
wished to go to Rome, to learn our sovereign lord's 
opinion as to the treating of the aforesaid peace. 

The aforesaid king complains of the damages done 
at sea to himself by our subjects. In truth, his 
subjects, under colour of peace, joined with the 
French, have done more damage to our kingdom 
than ours to his ; which we never would have 
endured, if good faith had not induced us to preserve 



172 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

that peace compounded between and confirmed by 
ecclesiastical censures. 

We will your lordship to lay all these matters in 
our name before our sovereign lord and the sacred 
College of Cardinals. 

The English ambassador to Scotland referred to in Henry's 
letter was Dr. Nicholas West, Dean of Windsor, afterwards 
Bishop of Ely, whose special mission it then was to find out 
the truth about the intentions of James IV., and, if possible, 
to bind him in writing to keep the peace during the coming 
campaign : 

DR. NICHOLAS WEST TO HENRY VIII. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Edinburgh, April 13, 1513.] 

Please it your Grace, Sir, on Saturday, the second 
day of April, the King appointed to dispatch me, and 
so I purposed to have taken my leave and departed if 
I had not received your most honourable letters, dated 
at Greenwich, the 25th day of March last past, 
whereby I perceived your Grace's mind was that I 
should make my abode here till I had ascertained you 
by my writing of his resolute answer, which I have 
done by my last letters. And albeit I have ever since 
sued diligently for my dispatching, yet I could never 
obtain it, for they drive me forth with words. I have 
also sued to see the minute of such letters as he 
would send to your Grace, and when I saw them 
there was never a word in them touching the keeping 
of the Peace ; but all words of unkindness done to 
him by your Grace and your subjects. . . . On 
Monday because I had no business, for a pastime I 
went down to Leith to the intent to see what ships 
were prepared there, and when I came thither I 
found none but nine or ten small topmen, 1 amongst 
whom the Crest of Lynne was the biggest, and other 

1 Ships with tops. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 173 

small balyngiers l and crayers, 2 and never one of all 
these was rigged to the war, but one little topman of 
the burden of three score tons. And from thence 
I went to the new haven, and there lieth the 
Margaret, a ship nigh of the burden of the Crest 
of Lynne, and many men working upon her, some 
setting on her mainmast and some calking her above 
water, for under water she was new tallowed. . . . 
The same night the King came to Edinburgh, and 
the next day, Tuesday, was all day at Leith, and, it 
was said, he commanded Willie Brounchyll to take 
his prisoners and go to the borders and make redress 
according to the appointment made betwixt the 
Commissioners before ; and so that day I could not 
speak with the King. 

Item, the same Tuesday, betwixt six and seven of 
clock at night, I received letters from my Lord of 
Durham containing very good news, which were to 
me, and to all other your true subjects so joyous and 
comfortable that I cannot express it. I received 
also from my said Lord of Durham a copy of the 
Pope's most honourable and loving brief sent to 
your Grace. 

Item, Wednesday, at ten of the clock I went to 
Holyrood House, where the King heard mass in a 
chapel without any traverse, 3 and there I showed him 
your said good news at length, and when he heard 
them he said your Grace was fortunate that ye had 
such a Pope so favourable to your Highness, and 
that was entered the League. However I forebore 
at that time to show him the clause of the confirma- 
tion of the acts done by his predecessor against him 
and his realm in case he broke with your Grace, till I 
may see determinately how he will order himself in 

1 Froissart and Walsingham both mention the species of ships 
called balangers ; but the kind is not accurately described. A 
manuscript in the Heralds' Office quoted in Jamieson's Etymological 
Dictionary mentions " Galees Horquees, Ballinjevs, et autres." — 
Ellis. 

2 A kind of barque, or lighter. 

3 A retired seat with lattice- work. 



174 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

every behalf towards your Grace. And hence my 
small dispatch in everything. And then, according 
to the same as I think it expedient, I will make 
overture to him of it, or else conceal it still. And 
amongst other communication he talked of his great 
Ship, for the which I made suit according to your 
Grace's commandment ; howbeit he answered as 
before, and then he said that she shot sixteen pits of 
great ordnance on every side ; and that he had more 
great ordnance in her than the French King ever had 
to the siege of any town ; which methought to be a 
great boast. Moreover he said that De la Motte 1 was 
taken by your subjects, or else he was with the 
French fleet, for he was laden with biscuit and beer, 
ready to come forth when John Barton came away, 
which is more than three weeks ago. Finally I made 
suit to him for my departure, praying him to put his 
answer in writing, and he said he would cause that 
minute to be made at afternoon, and send it to me to 
look upon it. Howbeit he did not so, but driveth 
me forth till he may hear tidings by De la Motte out 
of France. Sire, the biscuit and beer that De la 
Motte bringeth is to victual the great Ship and other. 
I pray God he be, or may be taken by the way ; for 
his taking were worth to your Grace ten thousand 
marks ; for by him ye should know all the secrets of 
the King here. 

Item, on Thursday I made suit likewise for my 
letters and dispatching, and I am driven forth as 
before. Also this day was carried out of the Castle 
to the waterside a great piece of ordnance of three 
yards long and more, unstocked, which shooteth a 
stone bigger than a great penny loaf, as I am 
informed. . . . 

Item, Saturday I came to the Court and tarried for 
the King in the Chapel, and about twelve of the clock 
he came in and immediately called me to him, when 
I prayed him immediately to write his answer, and 

1 Charles le Tocque, Sr. de la Motte, French ambassador to 
Scotland. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 175 

he said that for two causes which he had showed me 
before he would not ; first was for fear that he should 
lose the French King if he wrote so plainly, second 
because your Grace said his words and deeds agreed 
not. As to the first I said that he feared too much 
the loss of the French King, for he should rather fear 
to lose your Grace for divers causes that I had 
showed him before ; moreover, if the French King 
aided him with all his power, yet could he not 
perform his great voyage without your Grace stood 
his good brother, which he confessed, but he said 
that all the world should know in what cause he 
went, and therefore if ye did anything to him then it 
should not be honourable, which I replied upon him, 
saying that all the world knew your Grace went in 
the Church's cause, and therefore in like manner it 
were not honourable for him to do anything against 
your Grace. He answered that though he flattered 
you not with words yet your Grace should find good 
deeds ; for where they that spoke fair to your Grace, 
and gave you not the best counsel, would per- 
adventure deceive you, he would rather die with you 
than see your Grace take any dishonour : and there- 
with the Bishop of Galloway, Dean of the Chapel, 
ascertained him that it was past noon, and then he 
took me by the arm and went into a chamber, and I 
said to him, " Sire, since your Grace will answer nor 
do none otherwise than ye have said, and that I have 
no farther charge, I beseech you give me licence to 
depart," and he said " with goodwill," and so I took 
my leave for the considerations above written. And 
then he said I must go see the Queen and the Prince 
at Linlithgow for she had ordered tokens for your 
Grace and for the Queen. 

Item, on Sunday afternoon I rode to Linlithgow 
and came thither by four of the clock at afternoon, 
and as soon as I was come in her Grace sent for me 
by Sir John Sinclair, which brought me to her Grace. 
At my first coming she asked of me what answer I had ; 
and I said that even as I had before, that he would 



176 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

not put it in writing, and she said that he was afraid 
that it should be shown in France. I answered that 
then he stood in great awe of France, if he durst 
not show in writing that he would keep that thing 
that he was sworn to for fear of France ; and 
also your Grace would never show it though he 
wrote, so that he would keep his promise : and she 
answered that she was right sorry that he would 
otherwise do, for now your Grace was in the right 
and he in the wrong. Howbeit she said she had 
done the best that was in her power, and so would 
continue. . . . 

Item, in communing with the King divers times I 
rehearsed the inconveniences that might ensue in case 
he broke with your Highness, and amongst other 
how it might cause your Grace to turn your great 
army upon him : and thereto he answered once 
saying that if he might stop your journey into 
France he would have your Highness suppose that 
he would make you war, and after he would ye should 
know the contrary. Another time when I had some- 
what with reasoning moved him, he answered to the 
same point thus, " Yea, my brother shall do right 
wisely since he hath enterprised so great a matter as 
to make war upon France, which he cannot well 
perform, and bring about to turn his army upon u^ 
and thereby excuse him of going into France." 
Whereunto I answered he should right well under- 
stand that if he would break with your Grace, your 
Grace was able to perform your voyage into France, 
and also to withstand him and his power ; and in 
case he made you war it might somewhat trouble 
your voyage, but not prevent it. But I answered the 
Earl of Argyle more roundly and sharply when he 
spoke to me like words in the Council, which were 
too long to write. Ni. West. 

To which Henry replied in a letter disclosing how 
little trust he placed in James's " idle promises and bare 
words": 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 177 

HENRY VIII. TO NICHOLAS WEST. 
[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."] 

April 20, 1513. 

By the contents of your letter, dated at our town of 
Berwick, the 13th day of the present month, we 
understand that, by the report of our right trusty 
and well-beloved the Lord Dacre, you suppose our 
brother, the King of the Scots, will keep good peace 
both by land and sea ; so that they may have free 
and sure passage by the sea for armies or merchan- 
dize, without disturbance of our army ; and may also 
have license, by safe-conduct, to repair to this our 
realm in form accustomed ; intending (as you write) 
to make redress from henceforth of all attempts by 
the sea, they having the semblable of us, and to remit 
the information of all other attempts to justice : 
wherein you desire to know our pleasure. 

As unto the first, — if it be of truth, as you write, 
the said king shall do like a virtuous prince, in 
observing his oath and promise, like as for many 
considerations he is bound to do, if he gravely 
consider the same ; and, if he so observe and keep 
the perpetual peace, it shall be best for him at length. 
However, expedient it is to take good regard to this 
overture made unto you ; for, in case it were allowably 
practised by the Scots to have liberty to pass their 
great ships and other ships of war into France, 
without impressment of our navy, for the assistance 
of our enemies, this fair apparent offer might turn us 
to displeasure. Whereunto we will you take sub- 
stantial regard ; and, in case they shall disclose and 
promise to you, that they be minded to continue in 
good peace and amity [so] good it shall be that you 
obtain and get some substantial writing testifying the 
same, for in idle promises and bare words there is 
little trust. And inasmuch as our navy is now on 
the sea, if they meet with the navy of Scotland going 
into France for the aiding of our enemies, they will 
undoubtedly encounter with them. 

Y,H. n 



178 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

And yet, after the declaration of his Majesty 
towards the peace, if our said army and navy meet 
any of his ships' associate and accompany with our 
said enemies, they must and will repute and take 
them as enemies ; for else, under colour of amity, and 
for passage of their ships of war under colour of 
merchandize to and from France, they might do unto 
us great annoyance and displeasures ; which, with 
good fortune, we must and will prevent, and not suffer 
it, if we can ; and as you shall learn from his 
lordship, so we will that you advertise us with 
diligence. . . . 

By this time, as Henry says in his letter, the English fleet 
had put to sea, the arrangement being that Henry himself 
should follow in June with the main body of the invading 
army. 1 The French were ready with a fleet which lay in 
wait to prevent the threatened invasion. From a letter 
written earlier in the month we may gather some idea of the 
difficulties which confronted the English Admiral in 
command, Sir Edward Howard, who left the Thames on 
March 19 : 

SIR EDWARD HOWARD TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," Third Series, Vol. I.] 

[April 5, 1513.] 

Master Almoner, in my heartiest wise I can I 
recommend me unto you, certifying to you that I am 
now at the writing of this my letter in Plymouth Roads, 
with all the King's fleet saving the ships that be at 
Hampton [Southampton], which I look for this night, 
for when I came open of the Wight I would not go in 
but send a ship of Compton's to cause them to come 
in all haste, and the wind hath been ever since as 
good as was possible. And as for our Spaniards that 
should come out of Thames I hear no word of them ; 
God send us good tidings of them. 

Sir, I think our business will be tried within five or 
six days at the furthest, for an hulk that came 
straight from Brest showeth for a certainty that 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 179 

there be ready coming forward a hundred ships of 
war, besides the galleys, and be pressed upon the 
first wind : and says that they be very well trimmed, 
and will not fail to come out and fight with us. 

^Sir, these be the gladdest tidings to me and all my 
captains and all the residue of the Army that ever 
came to us. And I trust on God and Saint George 
that we shall have a fair day on them. I pray God 
that we linger no longer, for I assure you never was 
army so falsely victualled. They that received their 
proportion for two months' flesh cannot bring about 
for five weeks, for the barrels be full of salt. And 
when the pieces keepeth the number, where they 
should be penny pieces, they be scant halfpenny 
pieces. And where two pieces should make a mess, 
three will scarcely serve. Also many come out of 
Thames but with a month's beer, trusting that the 
Victuallers should bring the rest; and here cometh 
none. I send you word for a surety here is not in 
this Army, one with another, past fifteen days' 
[supply]. . . . 

Mn consideration to keep the Army together, Sir, 
for God's sake send by post all along the coast that 
they brew beer, and make biscuit that we may have 
some refreshing to keep us together upon this coast ; 
or else we shall be driven to come again into the 
Downs and let the Frenchmen take their pleasure. 
And God knoweth when we shall get us up so high 
westward again. I had liefer than be driven to that 
issue, be put all the days of my life in the painfullest 
prison that is in Christendom. 

Sir, the Katherine Fortileza hath so many leaks by 
reason of Bedell, the carpenter, that worked in her at 
Woolwich, that we have had much to do to keep her 
above water ; he hath bored an hundred augur holes 
in her and left them unstopped, that the water comes 
in as it were in a sieve. This day I have all the 
caulkers of the army on her and trust by to-morrow 
she shall be more staunch. . . . 

Sir, all the victual that shall come to us let it come 

N 2 



180 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

to Dartmouth, for there it may lie ready for us ; there 
is much victual at Sandwich, and they have no 
vessels to bring it to us. Fill some of your Spaniards' 
ships their bellies full ; three or four of them will 
carry much, and spare not to spend victual upon us 
this year ; for with God's grace the fleet of France 
shall never do us hurt after this year. And if they 
be so ready as the hulk hath showed us for a certainty, 
I trust to God and Saint George that ye shall shortly 
hear good tidings. And howsoever the matter goeth 
I will make a fray with them if wind and weather will 
serve, before ten days end : therefore I pray you 
recommend me to the King's noble Grace, and show 
him that he trust no tidings till he hear word from 
me : for I shall be the first that shall know it if I 
live, and I shall be the first that shall send him word. 
Sir, I pray you recommend me to the Queen's 
noble Grace. And I know well I need not to pray 
her to pray for our good speed and to all good ladies 
and gentlewomen, and to my fellows, Sir Charles and 
Sir Henry Gifford, and, Sir, specially recommend me 
to my lord, my father, beseeching him of his blessing. 
And, Sir, I pray you, to knit up all, to have me most 
humbly recommended to the King's noble Grace as 
his most bounden servant as knoweth our Lord, who 
ever more send him victory of his enemies, and you, 
my special friend, your most heart's desire. Written 
in the Mary Rose 1 the 5th day of April by yours to 
my little power, 

Edward Howard. 

Sir, I need not to write unto you what storms we 
had, for ye know it well enough. Sir, I saw never 

1 The Mary Rose, whence this letter is dated, was the ill-fated 
vessel which, in the month of July, 1545, was lost by the carelessness 
of her crew, in permitting her ports, which were within sixteen inches 
of the water, to remain open, while on the short passage from 
Portsmouth Harbour to Spithead ; during which, while tacking, 
she heeled so much upon her side that her ports were forced under 
water, and like the Royal George at a later period, and about a mile 
from the same spot, she sunk below the wave. Sir George Carew, 
her commander, with near 700 persons, chiefly soldiers and mariners, 
sunk with her. — Ellis. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 181 

worse, but thanked be God all is well, saving the loss 
of one of our Galleys. All ill go with her. Sir, I 
send you in this packet a letter to my wife, I pray 
you deliver it to her. 

Sir Edward Howard had not long to wait for his heart's 
desire, but alas ! he did not live to send the King's Grace 
news of the fatal fight in which he boarded the galley of the 
French Admiral Pregent, only to find his boat cut away before 
his men could adequately support him. The story of this 
heroic, if foolhardy enterprise, is told on the French side by 
Pregent himself, and on the English by Sir Edward 
Echyngham, who succeeded in reaching Sir Edward Howard 
with the sorely-needed victuals on the 19th. " I trow," writes 
Echyngham to Wolsey, " there was never a knight more 
welcome to his sovereign lady than I was to my Lord 
Admiral and to the whole army, for I brought the victuals 
with me ; for of ten days before there was no man in all the 
army that had but one meal a day and one drink." 

Pregent's letter begins with some account of the events 
which led up to the dramatic death of the English Admiral : 

PREGENT DE BIDOUX TO [FLORIMOND ROBERTET ?]. 

[Translated from original text in "The War with France in 

1512-13."] 

[Off Conquet, April 28, 15 13.] 

My Lord, 

I recommend myself in my most humble wise to 
your good Grace. My Lord, it is a long time since I 
have written, owing to the adverse weather I have had 
while crossing to England ever since I left Brest, 
which was on the 13th day of March, and also because 
of the sickness and mortality in the galleys. For 
which reasons I did not wish to write any news. 

My Lord, while I was at Portrieux I had news 
from M. du Chillou that the English fleet had set out. 
Therefore, as soon as I had the opportunity, I started 
to join M. du Chillou, and when I reached St. Pol de 
L^on it was known that the English were actually in 
St. Matthew's Channel. I did my best to press on 



182 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

and when I was near Beurat, the weather being 
against me, I was carried into the said Beurat. I 
immediately got to horse and rode to Bertheaulme, 
where M. du Chateau-pourry was, and where I had 
heard also that the Grand Master might chance to be 
found. I did find him, and told him that I had more 
than 200 sick convicts, and that there were sick and 
dead among the volunteers also. The Grand Master 
authorised me to hire men from shore for rowers, who 
were to be paid, and I managed to seize some of the 
countrymen, collecting as many as 200 of them, 
which was about the number I lacked. And as for 
seamen, the Grand Master advised me to go with him 
to Brest, where M. du Chillou was, and then see the 
Admiral of Brittany and the captains, and beg them 
to help me with their men ; which they did 
immediately. 

And directly I had the said men I returned to 
Beurat, hoping to join the remainder of the fleet at 
Brest. On the way I was hindered by the weather 
and obliged to put in at Bar-le-Duc, where I stayed 
three or four days, 30 or 40 ships coming up to pre- 
vent me from proceeding. 

On Friday, the eve of St. George's Day, the 
weather appeared to me to be calm, and I set out. 
After I had left the weather became contrary, with a 
very high wind, and at the Croix-Porzmogeur I 
found myself to leeward of the ships in a very 
disadvantageous position. There were 40 or 50 
[English] ships before me, ready to attack, when they 
suddenly saw that the wind would prevent them from 
boarding my vessel. But two row-barges and four 
or five ships came within a spear's length from the 
galleys, so that for two hours no one ever saw so 
many blows given with artillery, crossbows, and 
harpoons, though without many men being lost on 
either side. In the end they were obliged to withdraw 
disgracefully, and while they were going we saw a 
good ship with 300 go to the bottom, another behind 
the point, and two others during the night, which 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 183 

made four. There were four or five boats laden with 
men and artillery attached to each of these ships, 
and two of them also went to the bottom. . . . 

On the Monday following, which was St. Mark's 
Day, 30 ships, with 25 or 30 boats, came to attack 
me. The Lord Admiral Howard, with 45 or 50 men, 
was in the first row-barge which came to board me, 
the wind being favourable. However that might be, 
the said row-barge was cut adrift, and some of those 
who were in it were despatched with pike thrusts, 
and others thrown into the sea, so that only two 
were taken alive. One of these was run through 
with a pike, and on being thrown inside pretended to 
be dead, but he was pushed back into the sea. They 
made a splendid fight, during which the other row- 
barge attacked, and you may believe me, my Lord, 
that had it not been for God's help, I should have 
been sunk without a doubt, but she was thrust off 
with pikes. After these two came three other boats, 
all of which attacked my galley alone, thinking that 
if they could have me, they would get the rest. 
Never have I seen men so desperate as they were. 
But all three were driven away as the row-barges 
had been. And you must know, my Lord, that this 
was not done without great loss of men. When the 
other ships saw that these five had done nothing with 
us they sailed off, as men bewildered, and fled away 
to rejoin the great ships at St. Matthew, not one 
remaining with me. They are accustomed to have 
about 25 or 30 ships together. 

That evening I made such repairs as I could, and 
in the morning, as the weather was favourable, I set 
out and came forthwith to Conquet, where I am at 
present. One of the two prisoners, a Fleming, who 
was once in my service and played me an evil trick, 
was very badly wounded and has since died ; the 
other was an Englishman. They both asserted, 
without any doubt, that the Admiral was in the first 
row-barge which attacked the galley, and described 
the bearings which he wore on his armour. I took 



184 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

great care that all the dead bodies which I could find 
should be drawn up, and about noon the Admiral's 
body was brought to me. I instantly informed the 
Grand Master and M. de Laval, who are at 
St. Matthew, and the Grand Master at once rode 
over and told me that he thought we ought to advise 
the King and Queen in order to know how they 
would wish the body to be buried. 

. . . The Grand Master and M. de Laval are of 
opinion that the Admiral's body should be embalmed 
while we are waiting to know if it is the good 
pleasure of the King and Queen that it should be 
buried, and so this will be done. The Grand Master 
has been promised that the apothecary shall come 
early to-morrow, and I have had the body opened, 
disembowelled, and put in salt while it is awaiting 
the balm ; and that part of the body which is to be 
embalmed has been put aside. The said Lord 
Howard was a great lord, so they say. If it is the 
pleasure of the King and Queen that I may retain his 
heart for myself, I should be very grateful to them. 

. . . My Lord, I must have some more convicts; for 
I have over four hundred men — dead, sick,^ killed, 
drowned, wounded — who will never be able to serve 
again. Therefore I implore you very humbly that it 
may please you to advertise the said Lord, so that I 
may be relieved with all diligence. There will be no 
great difficulty in getting them here ; those from 
Paris can go by water to Rouen, and those from 
Blois on here. 

My Lord, your Lordship is aware that it has 
pleased the Queen to give me a whistle and a chain. 
In return I am sending her the said Admiral's, not 
his whistle of honour, but the one he used for 
commands. It does not weigh so much as that 
which the said Lady has sent me, but it seems to me 
that it is richer for her service than the other. I am 
sending to Mme. Claude the clothes of the said 
Lord Admiral Howard. 

I shall give orders to have a painting done of the 






WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 185 

scene of the said battle, and will send it to the King 
forthwith. I hope, with the help of our Lord, that 
the warm reception which we gave them will keep 
them from being so presumptuous another time. 
The Grand Master and M. de Laval are always 
armed and in the saddle ; since the English arrived, 
they have hardly undressed even so much as to 
change their shirts, for at all hours of the night there 
have been continual alarms ; and MM. de Chateau 
and Taravant have not left me for a moment night 
or day. 

My Lord, I pray to the most blessed Son of God 
that by His grace He will give you a long and happy 
life, begging that it may please you to inform me of 
your news and your good pleasures, so that I may 
accomplish them. 

In the galley, at Conquet, the twenty-eighth day of 
April. 

Your humble and obedient servant, Pregent. 

Sir Edward Echyngham's narrative is dated a week later, 
from Southampton, to which port the writer had been 
despatched in his ship from Plymouth : 

EDWARD ECHYNGHAM TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[" The War with France in 15 12-13."] 

[Hampton (Southampton), May 5, 15 13.] 
Sir, 

For to write unto you the news of these parts, 
they be so dolorous that I can scarce write them for 
sorrow ; howbeit I have found you so good master 
unto me that it hath pleased you to cause the King's 
most noble Grace to write unto me, which hath 
encouraged me to send to you in writing of those 
things that I have seen. 

Upon Friday, which was the 22nd day of April, 
six galleys and four foists 1 came through part of the 
King's navy, and there they sank the ship that was 
Master Compton's, and struck through one of the 

1 Light sailing ships. 



186 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

King's new barques, the which Sir Stephen Bull is 
captain of, in seven places, so that those who were 
within the ship had much pain to hold her above the 
water. Then the ships' boats took one of the foists, 
and the residue of the galleys and foists went into 
Whitson Bay, beside Conquet, and there lay 
Saturday all day. 

Upon Sunday, my Lord Admiral appointed 6,000 
men to land between Whitson Bay and Conquet, 
and so to come unto the back side of the galleys. And 
as we were landing my Lord Admiral espied Sabyn 
coming under sail. And then that purpose was lost, 
for every captain put his men into victuallers, and 
my Lord Admiral sent Mr. Fitzwilliam unto all 
them that were captains of the great ships for to 
return into the Trade, where the great ships lay 
before the haven of Brest, and so to abide still before 
the haven that the army of France should not come 
out, whilst the small ships should run upon the 
galleys. . . . 

Upon St. Mark's Day, which was the 25th day ot 
April, my Lord Admiral appointed four captains and 
himself to board the galleys. At four of the clock 
in the afternoon my said Lord went into one of the 
galleys himself, with 80 men with him, and in the 
other my Lord Ferrers, with such company as seemed 
best to him, . . . with two small crares, 1 in one of 
which went Wallop, and in the other went Sir Henry 
Sherborne and William Sidnay. And these were 
they that enterprised to win the French galleys, with 
help of the boats, for there no ship could come to 
them for lack of water, for the said French galleys 
lay in a bay between rocks, and on both sides of 
the galleys were made bulwarks, which lay full of 
ordnance, so that no boat or vessel could come unto 
them, but that they must come between the bulwarks, 
which were so thick with guns and crossbows that 
the arrows and the gunstones came together as it 
had been hailstones. 

1 Slow, clumsy trading vessels. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 187 

\For all this my Lord would needs board the galleys 
in his own person, for there could no man counsel 
him the contrary, and at the above written hour he 
boarded the galley that Preyer John [Pregent] was in. 
And as soon as he was aboard of Preyer John's 
galley he leapt out of his own galley unto the 
forecastle of Preyer John's galley, and Charran, the 
Spaniard, with him, and sixteen other persons. Sir, 
by advice of my Lord Admiral and Charran they had 
cast their anchor into ... of the French galley, 
and fastened the cable unto the capstan, for this 
consideration, if it happened any of the galleys to 
catch on fire, they might have veered the cable and 
fallen off. But, Sir, howsoever . . . the French- 
men did hew asunder the cable, or else some of our 
said mariners in our galley let slip the cable when 
my Lord Admiral went into the French galley, and 
all for fear of the ordnance that was on the galleys 
and from the land, and so they left this poor Admiral 
in the hands of his enemies. Sir, there was a 
mariner that . . . which is wounded in 18 places 
. . . , which by adventure recovered unto the boy 
of the galley, and so the boat of the galley took him 
up, and he saith that he saw my Lord Admiral 
thrust against the rails of the galley with Morris 
pikes. Also Charran's boy telleth a tale in like 
manner, for when his master and my Lord Admiral 
had entered the galley, Charran bade his boy fetch 
him his hand gun, and when he came up with the 
hand gun to deliver to his master, the one galley 
was gone off from the other, and he saith he saw 
my Lord Admiral waving his hands and crying to 
the galley : " Come aboard again ! Come aboard 
again ! " And when my lord saw the galley could 
not come to him again, the boy said he saw him 
take his whistle from about his neck and wrap it 
together and hurl it into the sea, and thus he lost 
sight of my said Lord Admiral. 

Sir, for to know the more surely whether he were 
alive or not, we sent in a boat to the shore a 



188 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

standard of peace, and in the boat went Thomas 
Cheyne, Richard Cornewall, and Wallop, for to have 
knowledge whether they had taken any Englishmen 
prisoners or not. And when they came to the shore 
there came unto them two gentlemen of France, and 
asked them what they would have, and they said they 
came to speak with the Admiral of France. And 
then these two gentlemen bade them come on land, 
and they would warrant them for them and theirs, 
but they would not without they had four gentlemen 
of France. . . . And so these two gentlemen turned 
again, a . . . men and sent them into the boat. 
And . . . Cheyne and his company came out and 
went on land where the Admiral of France was. 
And there Thomas Cheyne met with . . . acquaint- 
ance of the court of the Queen of France. And 
thus, as they were talking and making cheer each to 
other, came Preyer John, riding on horseback. And 
so they asked if they had taken any English prisoners 
or not, for Thomas Cheyne said he had a kinsman 
that was either taken or slain among them, and if 
they had him, that they would assign him to his 
ransom and he would pay it, or else that he might 
be well kept and they should be richly rewarded for 
his keeping. And then Preyer John stepped forth 
himself and said to them : " Sirs, I ensure I have no 
English prisoners within my galley but one, and he 
is a mariner, but there was one that leapt into my 
galley with a gilt target on his arm, the which I cast 
overboard with Morris pikes, and the mariner that I 
have prisoner told me that that same man was your 
Admiral." 

Sir, I have forgotten to write you of the galley that 
my Lord Ferrers was in with the other company. Sir, 
there came in my Lord Ferrers with his galley . . . 
fell among the other galleys, and there he shot all his 
ordnance, both powder and stone, that he had within 
board, and he shot 200 sheaves of arrows among 
them in the galleys, . . . and then came Thomas 
Cheyne and Wallop in their craft, and they shot their 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 189 

ordnance such as they had. And then came Sir 
Henry Sherborne and Sir William Sidnay, and they 
rushed aboard of Preyer John's galley and broke part 
of his oars on the one side. And so when they saw 
every one gone off from them and they last alone, 
weening to them that my Lord Admiral would be 
still in the English galley, they came off, following 
our galley, and so they returned all into the Trade, 
where the great ships lay without any more doing, 
for they knew not perfectly where my Lord Admiral 
was. 

U3ir, when the whole army knew that my Lord 
Admiral was either taken or slain, I trow there was 
never men more full of sorrow than all we were, for 
there was never nobleman so ill lost as he was, 
that was of so great courage and had so many 
virtues, and that ruled so great an army so well as 
he did and kept so good order and true justice. 

Sir, I certify you that there may be many men 
slain at this small skirmish, and there is also in the 
army many sick men, and that is not in one ship but 
in every one of the army, and many deaths of the 
measles and other sickness that is among us. . . . 
Sir, upon Saturday, the last day of April, the whole 
navy came to Plymouth, and on Sunday I saw 
myself a boat of sick men land out of a ship of the 
army, and two of those men, as soon as they felt the 
earth, they fell down and died. 

Sir Edward Howard's gallantry, however foolhardy it 
may have been, did much to retrieve the reputation of 
English arms abroad. At the time, however, Henry, highly 
incensed, wrote a sharp letter of reprimand to the captains 
of the fleet, which, as Lord Thomas Howard informed 
Wolsey, greatly troubled and discouraged them. Lord 
Thomas Howard's letter was written three days after his 
appointment as Admiral in Command in succession to his 
brother, whose death he longed to avenge, though with 
the ill-provisioning of the fleet, and the widespread fear of 
the French galleys, he found himself heavily handicapped: 



igo THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

LORD THOMAS HOWARD TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," Third Series, Vol. I.] 

Plymouth, May 7, [15 13.] 

Mine own good Master Almoner, of all such 
matters as I have written to the King's Grace I will 
leave unwritten to you, assuring you that I have here 
found the worst ordered army, and furthest out of 
rule, that ever I saw. This day when I came hither 
I am sure there were more than half the army on 
land ; and I fear me there is a great number stolen 
away. At my coming to Exeter I heard of their 
departing, and so have sent through all the country 
to bring them again. Never man saw men in greater 
fear than all the masters and mariners be of the 
galleys. Insomuch that in a manner they had as lief 
go into purgatory as to the Trade. But that not- 
withstanding, if the King's Grace send me not 
contrary commandment, I trust to be there by 
Friday at the furthest. Also the King's letter sent 
unto the captains hath greatly troubled and dis- 
couraged them : for they had trusted to have had 
great thanks, and undoubtedly as many gentlemen 
as were warned thereof did as valiantly as was 
possible. And as for the galleys, they might have 
been burnt, but my brother, whom God pardon, would 
suffer no man to cast in wildfire. And the said 
galleys did our men but little hurt ; but both the 
shores were so well bulwarked, and so innumerable 
ordnance therein, that it is too wonderful to hear the 
report of them that saw it. 

Good Master Almoner, cause the King's Grace to 
write unto the captains some favourable letter, for I 
assure you it is needful ; and if any of them would 
make labour to await on his Grace when he goeth 
over sea, for God's sake stop it ; for if one should go, 
all the residue would desire the same. 

Here are two men that, as I hear say, did their 
part very ill that day my brother was lost. The one 
was Coke, the Queen's servant, in a rowing barge, 
and the other Freeman, my said brother's household 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 191 

servant. If it be of truth, I shall punish them that 
all other shall take example. . . . Beseeching you 
that the King's Grace take no displeasure with me 
that I tarry here so long, for I assure you that no 
man is so weary thereof as I, and before Thursday it 
shall not be possible for us to depart. Of victual a 
great part as yet is not come, and also I fear we shall 
have much ado to get our soldiers aboard. Also, 
the A fine Galaunt is in such case that she shall not 
be able to go to the sea this year. She lieth here on 
dry ground, and in her stead I have taken another. 
I would write to you of many other causes, but that 
I will not tarry the post ; and if the King's letters 
come to Plymouth when I am gone, I shall leave one 
to bring them after, with God's grace, who keep you. 
Scribbled in great haste in the Mary Rose at 
Plymouth half hour after eleven at night the seventh 
day of May. 

Your own, Thomas Howard. 

By this time Henry VIII. had discovered how he had 
been betrayed by his treacherous father-in-law, who, on 
April 1, had made his conquest of Navarre secure by a 
twelve months' truce with France, secretly negotiated while 
Henry was preparing for war on the definite understanding 
that the invasion of France was to be a joint affair. It was 
long before Henry would believe that even Ferdinand was 
capable of so base a desertion, but once he realized it his 
faith in his father-in-law was gone for ever. How plainly 
his ambassador at the Spanish court could write on the 
subject of Ferdinand's perfidy may be seen in the following 
letter : 

WILLIAM KNIGHT TO HENRY VIII. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," Second Series, Vol. I.] 

[Valladolid, May 12, 15 13.] 

Pleaseth it your Highness to understand, that the 
King of Arragon continueth in his purpose to observe 
the truce, that is late taken between the French King 
and him, and straightly as if they had been made upon 
good ground and reason. And when news was 



192 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

brought unto this Court, upon St. Mark's day, that 
your Grace's royal army by the seas had discomfited 
the French fleet, it appeared both by their counte- 
nances that the said victory contented not their 
mind ; and by their other demeanour, for they did 
as much as lay in them to oppose and destroy the 
fame of the said news and victory. . . . The foresaid 
news were so joyful unto us your Grace's subjects 
here that we desired of the King of Arragon to know 
what certainty he had thereof, which answered that 
he did know nothing thereof; but, after three days, 
when the same did more largely increase, he showed 
unto us that he was informed out of France that the 
French King gave in express commandment to the 
Captains of his Navy, that, in case they were not 
able to have the overhand of the Englishmen, they 
should rather fire their own ships than suffer them 
to be taken ; wherein his meaning was, by all that I 
could perceive, that if there were any ships destroyed 
of the French Fleet, that it was done by themselves, 
because of the commandment of their King, and not 
by your Grace's royal army. 

And because we would understand if by any new 
occurrence the King would vary from the truce, we, 
therefore, many times and often, have besought his 
Highness to remember the great love that your 
Grace hath borne unto him, and what charges, right 
near impossible for your royal Realm, hath ensued, 
without profit or honour, by following of his counsel ; 
but all this notwithstanding, his Grace is finally 
determined straightly to observe the said truce. 
Nevertheless, he answered us, at one time, that he 
would do all that he was bound to do ; but he spake 
it in such manner and countenance, that it seemed 
that he thought him not in any manner bound unto 
your Grace. At one other season, he answered that 
he might send his army in Italy into Burgundy ; 
and, saving the truce, help your Grace by that parts ; 
but these words be after the old manner, for if he 
were so intended, yet the year would be overgone 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 193 

before an Army might pass such far Countries. He 
hath said also that he might make war in Beam, but 
surely, and it like your Highness, under your Grace's 
correction, that should not be profitable for your 
Highness ; for Beam extendeth under the mountains 
of Navarre almost from Bayonne to Arragon ; and by 
such he would put your Grace between him and his 
enemies. And thus, although he hath evidently 
brought your Grace into marvellous great business, 
and hath done extremely hitherto, crossing all bounds 
that might be made between Christian Princes, yet 
he desisteth not from his accustomed cunning, but 
surely conceiveth in his mind greater mischief. Some 
saith, that dare speak privily the opinion of divers 
that favoureth their natural Prince [Charles] that it 
should be the greatest joy unto the King of Arragon 
that ever fortuned unto him, if the Prince of Castile 
were deceased, for so he might be sure to continue 
Governor of Castile in manner during his life. At 
the coming of King Philip unto this country, the 
King of Arragon was, as it was thought, discourteously 
entreated, because he was commanded to avoid this 
Realm within the space of twenty days ; and it is 
thought that it was not done without the advice of 
your Grace's dear father, of most noble memory. 
And whether he feareth that the Prince waxeth too 
ripe in age, or that he remembereth those old injuries, 
or that he would dissever the marriage between the 
Prince and my Lady Mary, I know not; but your 
Grace may surely imagine that he is not well dis- 
posed. The Younger Son of King Philip is but 
eleven years old ; born in this Country ; and in 
much greater manner resembleth the King of 
Arragon. . . . 

The seventh of May, and it please your Highness, 
tidings came from Italy that the Venetians had 
entered league with the French King, so that they 
intend to divide Lombardy between them in this 
manner, that the Venetians shall have all the land 
that they were wont to hold in those parts except 

y.h. o 



ig 4 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Cremona, by reason whereof the King of Arragon 
hath showed unto us that he will send over imme- 
diately more men of war. The King of Arragon 
saith that by reason of this league the Emperor, of 
all likelihood, will fully enter with your Grace, and 
that weigheth greatly in his stomach. He beseecheth 
God that the Emperor may employ such treasure as 
he hath received of your Grace in such manner as it 
may be profitable for your Highness. I cannot per- 
ceive but that he thinketh contrary ; and undoubtedly 
he hath done his best, as your Grace doth evidently 
see, to have left your Highness sole and alone in all 
these Wars ; as by taking of the truce, by covering 
of the same, and hindering of our letters so that your 
Grace were not advertised in time ; also by saying 
that the said truce was made by the advice of the 
Emperor, which of all likelihood will now appear 
otherwise. But undoubtedly, as your Grace intendeth 
not but the recovery of your evident right, so Almighty 
Jesu shall send it unto your Highness, with the most 
honour that ever came to Christian King, for the 
which, as my duty is, I daily pray, and shall do 
during my life. Thus the Holy Ghost send your 
most noble Grace comfort. At Valladolid in Castile 
this twelfth of May. — Your most humble subject and 
chaplain, William Knight. 

Maximilian, Henry's other ally, saw that further delay in 
beginning the war was dangerous in view of these develop- 
ments, for the triumph of France in Italy, which he now 
feared, would destroy his own designs there. Hence this 
urgent letter to his daughter : 

MAXIMILIAN I. TO MARGARET OF SAVOY. 
[" Lettres de Maximilien et de Marguerite," Vol. II., p. 141.] 

Smichan, May 12, 15 13. 

Very dear and well beloved Daughter, 

We advertise you that the English Ambassador 
Wingfield has arrived in our City of Augsburg ; and 
although we have not yet heard, we are, nevertheless, 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 195 

of opinion that the said Ambassador has announced 
for a fact that the King of England, his master, 
desires to make war on the King of France, in spite 
of the treaties the King of Arragon has made, which 
he has not the least intention of observing, and that 
he [the King of England] wishes to complete and go 
through with all that has been concluded between 
us and him, of which we are joyful. We will instantly 
send you the ratification, and also on Monday next 
get the said Wingfield to take the oath, as is his 
duty, for the maintenance of the said treaty. There- 
fore we request that you will be so good as to entreat 
the King of England to hasten the said business, and 
to make no delay in beginning the said war ; also 
that he will send us the first two payments of the 
money he is to give us, of which we have written to 
you before, so that we can lead the Swiss, and actually 
begin the war against the French, for if the King of 
England makes too much delay over this war, and 
the French get back the Duchy of Milan, we should 
hereafter have enough to do with our own business, 
and not be able to help the King of England, to which 
we are so well inclined. 

Across the border Henry VIII. was faced with the pros- 
pect of further treachery in the shape of his brother-in-law, 
James IV., who recommended him to join the truce with 
Ferdinand, on the old, insincere plea of universal peace in 
Christendom and war against the infidel : 

JAMES IV. TO HENRY VIII. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Edinburgh, May 24, 15 13.] 

Right excellent, right high and mighty Prince, our 
dearest Brother and Cousin, We commend us unto 
you in our most hearty manner. Our brother, the 
most Christian King of France, has lately written 
unto us that he and the Catholic King of Arragon 
have taken, the first day of April last, truces to 
endure one whole year from the conclusion thereof 

o 2 



196 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

for their realms on this side the mountains, as we 
doubt not ye are informed and have the tenor of the 
same long ere now ; the copy whereof, sent unto us, 
our herald, the bearer, has with him. In which the 
Emperor and ye, for the part of the King of Arragon, 
and for our brother of France's part, the Duke of 
Gelders and we, as his kinsmen, be expressed, if ye 
and we like to stand comprehended in the said truces 
appointed as is contained in them. Whereupon our 
brother of France has desired us to enter in the said 
truces if ye enter in the same. Therefore we have 
sent unto you also to have knowledge if ye enter in 
their truces or not, as to have your advice what you 
think we should do for our part : Praying you if ye 
accept the same to advertise us hastily, that we may 
help to treat, and further amity and peace, as we 
have been always ready to do for universal peace in 
Christendom ; and that we may cause our trusty 
counsellor and ambassador, the Bishop of Murray, 
now in the parts beyond sea, to do his utmost to 
appoint the aforesaid truces pendant for universal 
peace and expedition against the Infidels. 

And surely, dearest brother, we think more loss is 
to you of your late admiral, who deceased to his great 
honour and laud, than the advantage might have been 
of the winning of all the French galleys and their 
equipage. The said former valiant knight's service, 
and other noblemen that must on both the sides 
perish if war continue, were better applied upon the 
enemies of Christ, whereunto all Christian men were 
well spent. Praying you, dearest Brother, to take 
our writings in good part as our mind is, for verily 
we are sorry, and also our dearest wife, of this loss, 
through acquaintance we had of his father, that noble 
knight, who convoyed our dearest wife, the queen, 
unto us. It will like you to haste unto us your mind 
hereunto, and will show you what we think of the 
truces. Right excellent, right high, and mighty 
Prince, our dearest Brother and Cousin, the blessed 
Trinity have you in tuition. Given under our signet 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 197 

at our Palace of Edinburgh the 24th day of May. — 
Your brother, James R. 

Henry's good name and that of England were now too far 
pledged for any possibility of peace with honour on these 
lines. Besides, the King was burning with martial ardour, 
eager to prove to the world at large that it could no longer 
scoff at English arms with impunity. Lord Thomas Howard 
did not obtain his opportunity of avenging his brother's 
death, but the English fleet succeeded in ensuring the safe 
landing of the invaders at Calais, where Henry arrived with 
the main body of his army on June 30. He had left 
Greenwich on the 15th, accompanied by many noblemen 
and six hundred archers of his guard, all in white gaberdines 
and caps ; " and so," writes Hall, " he and the Queen with 
small journeys came to Dover Castle and there rested, and 
he made the Queen Governor of the Realm, and commanded 
William Warham, Bishop of Canterbury, and Sir Thomas 
Lovell, a sage knight, and divers others, to give their attend- 
ance on the Queen : and commanded the Earl of Surrey 
to draw towards the North-parts, lest the Scots should make 
any enterprise in his absence. Then the King took leave of 
the Queen and of the ladies, which made such sorrow for 
the departing of their lords and husbands that it was a 
great dolor to behold; and so he, with all his army, took 
ship the last day of June, being the day of Saint Paul." 
On the eve of his departure Henry wrote a last brief letter 
informing his father-in-law, through his ambassador — to 
whom he sent permission to return, leaving John Stile " at 
our father of Arragon's court " — that the campaign had 
already begun : 

HENRY VIII. TO WILLIAM KNIGHT. 

[" Cecil Papers," Part I., Historical Manuscripts Commission.] 

[Dover, June 29, 1513.] 

. . . Touching news here, the Earl of Shrewsbury 
and Lord Herbert, with our vanguard and rereward, 
to the number of 30,000 men, have now besieged 
Terouanne, and the most part of our ward, 15,000 
men, be now passed over to Calais. We tarry here 



198 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

at Dover only for wind to take our shipping thither 
for to provide in our wars against the Frenchmen, 
which ye may show unto our father of Arragon, effectu- 
ally moving and pressing him at your departure to 
know his determinate mind, what order he will take 
according to the treaty lately passed betwixt us and 
him. 

The King crossed with such a fleet, says John Taylor, 
clerk of the Parliament, in his diary of the campaign, " as 
Neptune never saw before ; saluted with such firing of guns 
from the ships and from the towers, you would have thought 
the world was coming to an end." 1 With the King went the 
now indispensable Wolsey, himself in command of 200 men, 
the Bishops of Durham and Winchester commanding 100 
men apiece. The religious aspect of the campaign — its 
ostensible object still being to free the Papacy from the 
tyranny of France — was further accentuated by the priests 
and singers of the royal chapel, who followed the King to 
the number of considerably more than a hundred. Three 
weeks were spent in preliminaries in Calais before they all 
left for the front, " with a magnificent army," says Taylor, 
which was increased by 8,000 German mercenaries. " Such 
heavy rains fell in the afternoon and night," continues the 
same diarist, " that the tents could scarcely protect them. 
The King did not put off his clothes, but rode about at three 
in the morning, comforting the watch, saying : " Well, 
comrades, now that we have suffered in the beginning, 
fortune promises us better things, God willing." The soldiers 
were up to their knees in mud, when, at the beginning of 
August, they arrived before Terouanne, which had been 
besieged by the advance army since June 22. Here Henry 
was presently joined by the Emperor Maximilian, who 
flattered his young ally's vanity by professing to serve under 
his banner as a common soldier — at a hundred crowns 
a day. 

Meantime Catherine displayed her anxiety on the King's 
account by arranging a weekly service of messengers with 
Wolsey, in whom at this time she placed implicit trust. 

1 Calendar, Henry VIIL, Vol. I., p. 623. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 199 

Her instructions to this effect were contained in what 
appears to be one of her earliest English letters, a document 
proving that she had now obtained a command of the 
English language, which must have stood her in good stead 
in these anxious days of her regency, with the King across 
the water, and the Scottish danger growing nearer every 
day: 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. L] 

[Richmond, July 26, 15 13.] 

Master Almoner, thinking that the King's departing 
from Calais shall cause that I shall not so often hear 
from his Grace for the great business in his journey 
that every day he shall have, I send now my servant 
to bring me word of the King, and he shall tarry- 
there till another cometh and [this way] I shall hear 
every week from thence, and so I pray you to take 
the [pains] with every of my messengers to write to 
me of the King's health, and [what] he intendeth to 
do, for when ye be so near our enemies I shall be 
never in [rest] till I see often letters from you ; and 
doing this ye shall give me cause to thank you, and I 
shall know that the mind that ye have had ever to 
me continueth still, as my trust always hath been. 
The brief that the Pope sent to the King I was very 
glad to see, and I shall be more to hear that he is the 
means either to make an honourable peace for the 
King, or else help on his part as much as he can, 
knowing that all the business that the King hath was 
first the cause of the Church, and with this and the 
Emperor together I trust to God that the King shall 
come home shortly with as great victory as any 
Prince in the world ; and this I pray God send him 
without need of any other Prince. 

The Scottish King formally unmasked his intentions in a 
threatening letter to Henry, which Lyon King of Arms 
delivered to him in the camp before Terouanne on August n. 
Here is Henry's contemptuous reply ; 



200 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

HENRY VIII. TO JAMES IV. 
[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."} 

[Terouanne, August 12, 15 13.] 

Right excellent, right high, and mighty prince, 

We have received your writing, dated at Edinburgh 
the twenty-sixth day of July, by your herald Lyon the 
bearer, wherein, after rehearsal and accumulation of 
many surmises, injuries, griefs, and damages done by 
us and our subjects to you and your lieges, the 
specialities whereof were superfluous to rehearse, 
remembering that to every one of them, in effect, 
reasonable answer, founded upon law and conscience, 
hath heretofore been made to you and your council, — 
You not only require us to desist from further 
invasion and utter destruction of your brother and 
cousin the French king, but also certify us that you 
will take part in defence of the said king; and do 
that thing which you trust may rather cause us to 
desist from farther pursuit of him ; with many con- 
trived occasions and communications, by you cause- 
lessly sought and imagined, sounding to the breach 
of the perpetual peace passed, concluded, and sworn 
betwixt you and us; of which your imagined quarrels 
devised to break to us, (contrary to your oath pro- 
mised, all honour, and kindness), we cannot marvel, 
considering the ancient accustomable manners of 
your progenitors, which never kept faith and promise 
longer than pleased them. 

Howbeit, if the love and dread of God, nighness of 
blood, honour of the world, law and reason, had 
bound you, we suppose you would never have so far 
proceeded, specially in our absence ; wherein the 
Pope and all princes christened may well note in 
you dishonourable demeanour, when you, lying in 
await, seek the ways to do that in our absence which 
you would not have been well advised to attempt, we 
being within our realm and present. And for the 
evident approbation hereof, we need none other proof 
nor witness, but your own writings heretofore to us 
sent, we being within our realm ; wherein you never 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 201 

made mention of taking part with our enemy the 
French king, but passed your time with us till after 
our departure from our said realm. And now, per- 
chance, you supposing us, so far from our said realm, 
to be destitute of defence against your invasions, have 
uttered the old rancour of your mind, which in covert 
manner you have long kept secret. 

Nevertheless, we remembering the brittleness of 
your promise, and suspecting, though not wholly 
believing, so much unsteadfastness, thought it right 
expedient and necessary to put our said realm in 
a-readiness for resisting of your said enterprises, 
having firm trust in our Lord God and the righteous- 
ness of our cause, and with the assistance of our 
confederates and allies, we shall be able to resist the 
malice of all schismatics and their adherents, being 
by the general council expressly excommunicate and 
interdicted; trusting also in time convenient to 
remember our friends and requite you and our 
enemies, which by such unnatural demeanour have 
given sufficient cause to the disinheriting of you and 
your posterity for ever from the possibility that you 
think to have to our realm, which you now attempt 
to invade. 

And, if the example of the king of Navarre being 
excluded from his realm for assistance given to the 
French king, cannot restrain you from this unnatural 
dealing, we suppose you shall have like assistance of 
the said French king, as the king of Navarre hath 
now, who is a king without a realm ; and so the 
French king peaceably suffereth him to continue : 
whereunto good regard should be taken. 

And, like as we heretofore touched in this our 
writing, we need not make any further answer to 
your manifold grievances by you surmised in your 
letter. Forasmuch as, if any law or reason could 
have removed you from your sensual opinions, you 
have been many and oftentimes sufficiently answered 
to the same, except only to the pretended grieves 
touching the denying of our safe-conduct to your 



202 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

ambassador to be last sent unto us: whereunto we 
make this answer, — that we had granted the said 
safe-conduct, and if your herald would have taken 
the same with him, like as he hath been accustomed 
to solicit safe-conducts for merchants and others 
heretofore, you might as soon have had that as the 
other ; for we never denied safe-conduct to any your 
lieges to come unto us, and no further to pass. But 
we see well, like as your herald had heretofore made 
sinister report contrary to truth, so hath he done now 
in this case, as is manifest and open. 

Finally, as touching your requisition to desist from 
futher attempting against our enemy the French 
king, we know you for no competent judge of so high 
authority to require us in that behalf. Wherefore, 
God willing, we purpose with the aid and assistance 
of our confederates and allies to prosecute the same ; 
and, as you do to us and our realm, so it shall be 
remembered and acquitted hereafter, by the help oi 
our Lord and our patron Saint George, who, right 
excellent, right high, and mighty Prince, &c. 

Given under our signet in our camp before 
Terouanne, the 12th day of August, in the fifth 
year of our reign. 

Henry made no change in his plans. Before leaving 
England he had, as already stated, appointed his Lord 
Treasurer, Thomas, Earl of Surrey, to the command of the 
North. Surrey, having escorted the Queen back to London, 
pushed forward towards the border with an advance army 
for its defence, where he was presently joined by his eldest 
son, Lord Thomas Howard, who, robbed of his hope of 
avenging his brother's death at sea, was soon to have an 
opportunity of distinguishing himself against the allies of 
France. The only step that Henry appears to have taken 
as a result of James's threatening letter was to send instruc- 
tions to Surrey by Thomas Ruthall, Bishop of Durham, 
who was anxious to get back to the defence of his castle of 
Norham. Catherine prepared for the war with Scotland 
with a heart worthy of her valiant and victorious mother, 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 203 

Isabella of Castile, and only regretted her approaching 
departure for the North because it would take her farther 
from news of her husband : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO WOLSEY. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Richmond, August 13, 1513.] 

... I trust to God it shall so continue that ever 

the King [shall have the] best on his enemies with as 

great honour as ever King had. Till I saw your 

letter I [was] troubled to hear so near the King was 

to the siege of Terouanne for the inconvenience [of] 

his own person ; but now I thank God ye make me 

sure of the good heed that the [King] taketh ot 

himself to avoid all manner of dangers. I pray you, 

good Master Almoner, remember the King always 

thus to continue : for with his life and health there 

[is] nothing in the world that shall come to him 

amiss by the grace of God, and without that I can 

see no manner of good thing shall fall after it : and 

being sure that ye will not forget this, I will say 

herein no more. But I pray you to write to me, and 

though ye have no great matters, yet I pray you send 

me word . . . the chief that is to me from the King's 

own self. Ye may think when I put [you to] this 

labour that I forget the great business that ye have 

in hand, but if ye [remember] in what case I am that 

is without any comfort or pleasure unless I hear, ye 

will not blame me to desire you (though it be a short 

letter) to let me know from you tidings as often as 

may be, as my trusting discerneth unto you. From 

hence I have nothing to write to you, but that ye be 

not so busy with the war, as we be here encumbered 

with it. I mean that touching my own ... for 

going farther where I shall not so often [hear] from 

the King: and all his [subjects] be very glad, I thank 

God, to be busy with the Scots, for they take it 

[for a] pastime. My heart is very good to it, and I 

am horribly busy with making standards, banners, 

and badges. 



204 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Catherine would not have been so easy in her mind about 
Henry's concern for his safety had the following letter been 
addressed to her instead of to Margaret of Savoy : 

PAUL ARMESTORFF TO MARGARET OF SAVOY. 

[Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I.] 

[Before Terouenne, August 15, 1513.] 

The Emperor and the King of England dined 
together yesterday before Terouenne, and showed 
such cordiality that one might suppose them father 
and son rather than brothers. The Swiss have 
written to the Emperor that they will have 16,000 
men in his service at Bensancon on the 27th with 
banners displayed. They have also written to the 
King of England on the same subject. The King 
of Scots has sent a defiance to the King of England, 
who, however, was prepared before his departure. 
Though the Emperor, experienced in war, makes 
many difficulties about assaulting Terouenne, the 
King of England desires to head the attack, promising 
to make sufficient breaches in three days. It is hard 
to keep them back. The French frequently show 
themselves and retire. 

This was written on the eve of the Battle of the Spurs — 
satirically so called by the French themselves in remem- 
brance of the only weapons used by their horsemen in the 
decisive engagement outside Terouanne. The Emperor still 
served under Henry's command, and when required to spread 
his own standard refused to do so, saying that he would 
" that day be the servant of the King and St. George." 
According to Hall, the Emperor, accompanied by thirty 
men on foot, joined Henry as he was advancing towards the 
battle, tidings having been received of the approaching 
French army. " Then, by counsel of the Emperor, the King 
caused certain pieces of small ordnance to be laid on the 
top of a long hill, or bank, for the out-scourers. Thus the 
King's horsemen and a few archers on horseback marched 
forward. The King would fain have been afore with the 
horsemen, but his council persuaded him the contrary ; and 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 205 

so he tarried with the footmen who accompanied the 
Emperor." As it happened it was a battle of horsemen to 
horsemen, " but not," says Hall, " in equal number, for the 
Frenchmen were ten to one, which had not been seen 
beforetime, that the English horsemen got the victory of the 
men of arms of France." An official letter from the Govern- 
ment of Florence to the Papal ambassador at Venice — 
printed in the Venetian Calendar from the Sanuto Diaries — 
gives the following details of the engagement : 

GOVERNMENT OF FLORENCE TO PIETRO BIBIENA. 

[Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[September 15, 15 13.] 

On August 16 the French, thinking to succour 
Terouenne, as they did the first time by means of 
Captain Fonterailles, tried the same road with 18,000 
spears ; but warned by the former attempt, the English 
were on the watch, and prevented the entry of the 
newcomers, whom they attacked on the way back to 
the camp. The French being mounted on mules and 
small horses, thought themselves in safety, but were 
at length routed, some captains with their colours 
being captured, including the Marquis de Rothelin 
[Duke of Longueville], of the blood royal, and chief 
of the King's gentlemen, Monsr. de Bussi, Monsr. 
de Bayard, 1 and La Fayette, commanders of great 
quality and revenue; the killed and prisoners were 
reckoned in number 120 men-at-arms, though some 
rated the loss at a good 400. At any rate it was a 
very notable feat, and vastly to the detriment of the 
French ; and had the English followed up the victory, 
they would on that day have caused disastrous conse- 
quences to the French, but hoping in the flush of such 
a victory to take Terouenne by agreement, they ceased 

1 The illustrious chevalier, sans peur et sans reproche. The story 
is told that he singled out one of the English knights on this occasion, 
and having defeated him, pointed his sword at his breast, declaring : 
" Surrender, or die." The Englishman handed his sword to Bayard, 
who, in return, yielded up his own, saying : "I am Bayard, your 
prisoner, and you are mine." Bayard was afterwards released by 
Henry without demand of ransom. 



206 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

pursuing the enemy, and presenting themselves under 
the place, announced the rout and the capture of the 
commanders, exhibiting the prisoners and the colours 
taken, and expecting the town to surrender at once, 
though it in fact held out until the 22nd or 23rd, 
when first the Germans within, and then the French, 
commenced parleying with English in the camp, 
and moved by lack of provisions more than by any 
other cause, at length surrendered after a respite of 
two days, which having expired on the 24th, the 
garrison on the following morning, the 25th, marched 
out of the town, and the English entered. . . . 

It was a singular coincidence that no fewer than three 
fathers of Henry's succeeding queens accompanied him at 
the Battle of the Spurs — Sir Thomas Boleyn, Sir John 
Seymour, and Sir Thomas Parr, all knights of the 
King's household. Catherine, happily unconscious of the 
future which fate had in store for her, wrote her congratula- 
tions to Wolsey as soon as she received his good tidings of 
Henry's victory : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Richmond, August 25, 15 13.] 

Master Almoner, what comfort I have with the 
good tidings of your letter I need not write to you, 
for the very reason that I have, showeth it. The 
victory hath been so great that I think none such 
hath been seen before. All England hath cause to 
thank God of it, and I specially, seeing that the King 
beginneth so well ; which is to me a great hope that the 
end shall be like. I pray God send the same shortly, 
for if this continue so still, I trust in him that every 
thing shall follow thereafter to the King's pleasure 
and my comfort. Master Almoner, for the pain ye 
take remembering to write to me so often, I thank 
you for it with all my heart, praying you to continue 
still sending me word how the King doeth, and if he 
keep still his good rule as he began. I think with 




Emery Walker, Photo 
^CATHERINE OF ARRAGON. About 1515 
From the painting in the National Portrait Gallery 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 207 

the company of the Emperor, and with his good 
counsel, his Grace shall not adventure himself so 
much as I was afraid of before. I was very glad to 
hear the meeting of them both, which hath been to 
my seeming the greatest honour to the King that 
ever came to Prince. The Emperor hath done every- 
thing like himself. I trust to God he shall be thereby 
known for one of the excellentest Princes in the 
World, and taken for another man than he was 
before thought. Master Almoner, I think myself 
that I am so bound to him for my part, that, in my 
letter, I beseech the King to recommend me unto 
him, and if his Grace thinketh that this shall be well 
done, I pray you to remember it. . . . 

Among the prisoners captured at the Battle of the Spurs, 
as mentioned in the account in the Venetian Calendar, 
was the young Duke of Longueville, who was now forwarded 
by Henry to England for the safe-keeping of Catherine. 
The Queen's successful protest against this awkward respon- 
sibility — for the Duke was sent, as suggested, to the Tower 
instead — is remarkable for its conciliatory tone to Wolsey, 
whose feelings apparently she was fearful of ruffling : 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," Third Series, Vol. I.] 

[September 2, 15 13.] 

Master Almoner, I received your letter by the post, 
whereby I understand of the coming hither of the 
Duke, and how the King is content that he shall be 
in my household. Touching this matter I have 
spoken with the Council to look and appoint what 
company shall be meet to attend upon him. Here 
is none that is good for it but my Lord Mountjoy, 
who now goeth to Calais as chief Captain of the five 
hundred men. And for this cause, and also that 
I am not so well accompanied as were convenient 
for his keeping here, it is thought to me and my 
Council that it should be better the said Duke be, 
as soon as he cometh, conveyed to the Tower ; 



208 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

specially as, with the Scots being so busy as they 
now be, and I looking for my departing every hour, 
it shall be a great cumbrance to me to have this 
prisoner here ; seeing that, according to the King's 
mind, he must be conveyed to the Tower at my going 
forward. I pray you show this to the King, and with 
the next messenger send me an answer of his 
pleasure. 

Mr. Almoner, I am sorry, knowing that I have 
been always so bound unto you that now ye shall 
think that I am miscontent without a cause, seeing 
that my servant asked of you no letter, nor brought 
you none from me. The cause was, that two days 
before I wrote unto you by Coppinger, and at that 
time I had nothing further to write, and with my 
servant's unwise demeanour I am nothing well 
content ; for one of the greatest comforts that I 
have now is to hear by your letters of the King's 
health, and of all your news ; and so I pray you, 
Mr. Almoner, to continue as hitherto ye have done : 
for I promise you that from henceforth ye shall lack 
none of mine. And before this ye should have had 
many more, but I think that your business scantily 
giveth you leisure to read my letters. From hence 
I have nothing to write to you, more than I am sure 
the Council informeth the King. Praying God to 
send us as good luck against the Scots, as the King 
hath there. . . . 

This was just a week before the crushing defeat of the 
Scots at Flodden Field, where perished the flower of the 
Scottish nation, including James IV. himself, who thus paid, 
as Henry was generous enough to write, " a heavier penalty 
for his perfidy than we would wish." After " the 111 Raid " 
earlier in August — a preliminary invasion in which the Scots 
had been driven back by Sir William Bulmer with heavy 
loss — James himself on the 22nd marched across the border 
into Northumberland at the head of a mighty army, sacked 
all the strongholds that came within his reach, and did his 
best to raze Norham Castle to the ground, to the inexpressible 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND tog 

grief of Thomas Ruthall, Bishop of Durham, returning to its 
defence from France. Before setting out — before, indeed, 
his herald could return from Henry's camp outside Terouanne 
— James published his declaration of war : 

JAMES THE FOURTH'S PROCLAMATION OF WAR. 

[Grove's " Life and Times of Wolsey."] 

. . . Though Princes are not accountable to any 
but God alone, when armies are prepared for battle, 
they look not so much to what may be said, as to 
what ought to be done. The laws of nations and 
Nature oblige everyone to defend himself, but the 
laws of Sovereignty lay greater obligations upon 
Monarchs ; they to whom God hath given States and 
Kingdoms, are bound not only to defend them, but 
to relieve their people from unjust oppressions. The 
many innovations and troubles raised upon all sides 
about us, the wrongs our subjects have suffered by 
the insolences and arrogancies of the councillors of 
Henry, King of England, our brother-in-law, are well 
known. Sundry of our subjects have been taken 
prisoners, and incursions have been made upon our 
Borders ; the Wardens of our marshes have been 
miserably killed; our merchants at sea have been 
spoiled of their goods, the chief captains of our ships 
put to death, and all by the King's own commission ; 
and when, by our ambassadors, we require satisfaction, 
we receive no justice worthy of them or us. 

Besides these outrages, Henry, King of England, 
without any just cause, hath invaded the territories 
of the King of France, and hath rejected our requests 
on the King's behalf: And, if our brother of England 
should extend his conquests in that country, to what 
an extremity would not Scotland be reduced, in having 
so powerful and ambitious a neighbour ? This is a 
good cause for us at this time to take up arms, which 
cannot but be just, since most necessary. 

We are not ignorant that here will be objected, the 
breach of a league between our brother and us. We 
have not broken that league, for the causes and reasons 

y.h. p 



210 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

we have above assigned. A national league is ever 
to be preferred before any personal ; and an ancient 
to a new ally. The league between France and 
Scotland, having continued many ages, should justly 
be preferred before that of England, which we, as an 
ally of the House of England, did contract, and which 
yet we are most willing to keep ; for we declare and 
manifest that if our brother shall leave off the inva- 
sion of France, and give satisfaction for the wrongs 
done our subjects, that we will disband our forces, 
and are content that all matters in difference shall be 
amicably decided, and in the meantime consent to a 
truce, or cessation of arms, till a perfect and lasting 
peace can be concluded. . . . 

The Earl of Surrey reached Durham with his army from 
the South on the 29th — to learn the fate of Norham Castle — 
and arranged with Lord Dacre, Sir William Bulmer, and 
other leaders of the North, to meet him with their musters 
at Bolton by September 4. Owing to the heavy rains, how- 
ever, he only succeeded in reaching Alnwick, five miles south 
of Bolton, by that date, but being reinforced here by his son, 
Lord Thomas Howard, he determined to send his challenge to 
the Scottish king, then some twenty miles away to the North, 
on the right bank of the Till. He seems to have given plenty 
of notice, suggesting the 9th as a suitable date — should 
James dare to abide so long on English soil. James, who 
had fixed his camp at Ford, accepted the challenge, but 
afterwards moved to Flodden, a higher and more advan- 
tageous battle ground, not far distant, on the borders of 
Cheviot. Thereupon Surrey, now only four or five miles 
away, sent him the following letter, signed by himself and 
other leading officers of his army : 

LORD SURREY TO JAMES IV. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Wooler, September 7, 15 13.] 

Right high and mighty Prince, so it is that lately 
I sent unto you Rougecrosse Pursuivant at Arms, 
and by him advertised your Grace that I and other 
my Sovereign Lord's subjects, were come to repress 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 211 

and resist your invasions of this, the King's, my 
Sovereign Lord's, realm. And for that intent I 
offered to give you battle on this half, Friday next 
coming, which my message your Grace took pleasure 
to hear, as I am informed. And by your herald, Islay, 
ye made answer that you were right joyous of my 
desire, and would not fail to accomplish the same 
and to abide me there, where you were at the time 
of my message so showed unto your Grace. And 
albeit it hath pleased you to change your said promise, 
and put yourself into a ground more like a fortress or 
camp than upon any indifferent ground for battle to 
be tried, considering the day appointed is so nigh 
approaching I desire now of your Grace that for the 
accomplishment of your honourable promise you will 
dispose yourself for your part, like as I shall do for 
mine, to be to-morrow with your host on your side of 
of the plain of Millfield, in likewise as I shall do for 
mine ; and shall be with the subjects of my Sovereign 
Lord on my side of the plain of the said field to give 
you battle betwixt twelve of the clock and three in the 
afternoon, upon sufficient warning by you to be given 
by eight or nine of the clock in the morning by the said 
Pursuivant. And like as I and other Noblemen, my 
company, bind us by our writing subscribed with our 
hands to keep the same time to the intent above said : 
so it may like your Grace by your honourable Letters 
subscribed with your hand to bind your Grace for the 
accomplishment of this desire, trusting that you will 
dispatch our said Pursuivant immediately, for the long 
delay of so honourable a journey we think should 
sound to your dishonour. Written in the field in 
Wooler haugh the 7th day of September at five 
of the Clock in the afternoon. — Thomas Surrey, 
Thomas Howard, Thom. Dacre, Clifford, Henry 
Scrope, Ralph Scrope, Rich. Latimer, William 

CONYERS, J. LOMLEY, R. OGLE, W. PeRCYE, E. 

Stanley, William Molyneux, Marmaduke Con- 
stable, W. Gascoigne, W. Griffith, George 
Darcy ? VV, Bulkier, Thom, Strangwayes, &c. 

P Z 



212 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

James did not deign to write his answer. He returned a 
verbal message to the effect that it did not become an Earl 
to dictate to a King. He expected victory, he added, from 
the justice of his cause ; not from any advantage of ground. 
On the fatal Friday morning the vanguard was led by 
Surrey's son, Lord Thomas Howard, Surrey himself follow- 
ing with the rearguard. James, it is said, went to the battle- 
field with the gaiety of a knight going to a tournament, and, 
as mentioned in the following extract from a narrative in the 
English Calendar, fell within a spear's length of the English 
commander, by whom he had been outgeneralled : 

. . . The army was divided into two battles, each 
with two wings. The Scotch army was divided into 
five battles, each a bowshot distant from the other, 
and all " in grete plumpes, part of them quadrant," 
and some equally distant from the English, likewise, 
and were on the top of the hill, being a quarter of 
a mile from the foot thereof. Howard caused the 
van to scale in a little valley till the rear joined one 
of the wings of his battle ; then both advanced in line 
against the Scots, who came down the hill, and met 
them in good order, after the Almayns [German] 
manner, without speaking a word. The Earls of 
Huntley, Errol, and Crawford met Howard with 6,000 
men, but were soon put to flight, and most of them 
slain. The King of Scots with a great power attacked 
Surrey, who had Lord Darcy's son on his left. These 
two bore the brunt of the battle. James was slain 
within a spear's length of Surrey ; many noblemen 
with him ; no prisoners were taken. . . . The battle 
began between 4 and 5 in the afternoon, and the chase 
was continued three miles with great slaughter ; 10,000 
more would have been slain if the English had been 
horsed. The Scots were 80,000, of whom 10,000 were 
killed ; the English lost only 400. . . . * 

Authorities on both sides differ widely as to the compara- 
tive strength of the rival armies at Flodden. Estimates of 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., September 9, 1513. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 213 

the force which James led to battle range from "well under 
26,000 " (Buchanan) to " an hundrede thousande at the 
least " (" A Ballad of the Scottish King "). Andrew Lang 
put it at " perhaps sixty thousand." Brian Tuke gave 40,000 
as the strength of the English army actually engaged in the 
battle (see p. 225); but Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. F. Eliot, 
who has gone very thoroughly into the whole question, 
estimates that the rival forces were probably not unevenly 
matched — roughly about 35,000 fighting men on each side. 1 
According to the Bishop of Durham, who described the 
battle to Wolsey — with pathetic accounts of his ruined castle 
of Norham, from his grief over which he said he would never 
recover — the English casualties amounted to 1,000 men, "but 
only one of eminence, Sir Joseph Bothe, of Lancashire." 
The following is from the official abstract of the Bishop's 
first despatch after the battle : 

THOMAS RUTHALL TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I.] 

[September 20, 15 13.] 

. . . Surrey, and my Lord Howard the admiral, 
his son, behaved nobly. The Scots had a large army 
and much ordnance, and plenty of victuals. Would 
not have believed that their beer was so good, had it 
not been tasted and viewed " by our folks to their 
great refreshing," who had nothing but water to 
drink for three days. They were in much danger, 
having to climb steep hills to give battle. The wind 
and the ground were in favour of the Scots. 10,000 
Scots are slain and a great number of noblemen. 
They were so cased in armour the arrows did them 
no harm, and were such large and strong men, they 
would not fall when four or five bills struck one of 
them. The bills 2 disappointed the Scots of their 
long spears, on which they relied. Lord Howard 
led the van, followed by St. Cuthbert's banner and 
the men of the bishopric. The banner men won 

1 " The Battle of Flodden and the Border Raids," 1911. 
9 Foot-soldiers armed with bills — broad, double-edged, hook- 
shaped blades, attached to the end of long staffs. 



214 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

great honour, and gained the King of Scots' banner, 
which now stands beside the shrine. The King fell 
beside his banner. Their ordnance was taken. The 
English did not trouble themselves with prisoners, 
but slew and stripped King, bishops, lords, and nobles, 
and left them naked on the field. There might be 
seen a number of goodly men, well fed and fat, among 
which number was the King of Scots' body found, 
having many wounds and naked. . . . 

There is a remarkable letter from Erasmus to Bishop 
Ruthall, which, though written from Basel at a later date, 
may be introduced here for its ingenious comparison between 
the battle of Flodden Field and the writer's own warfare in 
the world of letters : 

ERASMUS TO THOMAS RUTHALL. 
["Epistles of Erasmus," translated by F. M. Nichols, Vol. II.] 

It has strangely come to pass, most illustrious 
Prelate, that we have been both engaged in opera- 
tions, which, though of a different kind, have never- 
theless some sort of resemblance. While you were, 
first, under the happy auspices of a truly unconquered 
King, putting the French to flight, and then, returning 
from one battlefield to another, were repelling the 
King of Scots, who had invaded your own frontier, I 
was exerting all my efforts to rescue two authors, the 
one, St. Jerome, the other, Seneca, — from the direst 
foes of letters, I mean the errors, with which they 
were not merely defaced, but overwhelmed. I cannot 
allow that your campaign was more difficult or more 
laborious than mine ; and in one respect I may claim 
the higher credit, inasmuch as I was both soldier 
and captain, — fighting with my own hand against 
thousands of foes. The slaughter has not been less 
considerable. In the affair with the French, your 
losses were lessened by the politeness of your foes ; 
for what else shall I call it, when at the first 
encounter they made way for their betters, and seem 
to have only come to give you an object of pursuit ? 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 215 

But the victory over the Scots was indeed important, 
inasmuch as their King and so many of his nobles 
lost their lives, and that King one who, with the 
spirit of a gladiator, was plotting the greatest 
mischief to the whole island ; though your success 
was bought with the blood of many of your own 
followers. For my own part I have, in my one 
engagement, stabbed and destroyed more than four 
thousand portentous foes ; for that number of 
mistakes I suppose I have struck out in Seneca 
alone. The Scottish army had scarcely passed the 
border, and had taken a single castle, from which he 
was promptly driven ; but all Jerome and all Seneca 
had been occupied for centuries by an untold number 
of errors, so that there was scarcely a line left which 
was not in the enemy's occupation. And in such 
difficult circumstances my only allies were two old 
manuscripts, the first supplied by my one Maecenas, 
William, Archbishop of Canterbury, the other sent 
me from King's College, Cambridge. But both 
these copies were not only incomplete, but more 
faulty than that already printed, so that one's 
auxiliaries were as little to be trusted as the enemy 
himself ; though it was some advantage that they were 
not consistent in their mistakes. And as a careful 
and experienced judge is able to gather his facts from 
the testimony of several witnesses, no one of whom is 
telling the truth, so out of a variety of errors we have 
endeavoured to conjecture the true reading. . . . 

The most curious account of the battle of Flodden is found 
in the Venetian Calendar, in a letter written from London at 
the time, and included in the Sanuto Diaries : 

[NICOLO DI FAVRI, OF TREVISO (?) TO FRANCESCO 

GRADENIGO.] 

[Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[London, September, 15 13.] 

. . . The King of England, understanding that his 
cousin the King of Scots had been persuaded by 
France to wage war on him, so that he might be 



2i6 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

diverted from his intention of annihilating King 
Louis, sent a great lord, called my Lord Treasurer, 
a very sage man and of great age, with 30,000 
efficient troops, well accoutred — not bare-footed like 
those of Italy, men who did not go to rob, but to 
gain honour, and who marched at their own cost. 
They did not take wenches with them, and they 
are not profane swearers, like our soldiers ; indeed 
there were few who failed daily to recite the " office " 
and our Lady's rosary. This army gave battle to the 
Scots, and, after much fighting, gained the day. 
According to report, the Scots had lost eight great 
lords, including my Lord of Fastcastell [Cuthbert 
Home], who was said to have been at Venice, and all 
over Italy. This result proves that Scotland should 
desist from waging war on England, for although the 
Scots, according to report and in reality, are very 
numerous and accustomed to all hardships, yet the 
country is too poor. The inhabitants have no arms, 
and are situated at the end of the world. Hitherto 
small mention has been made of King Henry, 
whereas for the future the whole world will talk of 
him. For gold, silver, and soldiers not another king 
in Christendom can be found to compare with him. 

Meantime great preparations had been made by Louis XII. 
to collect a combined Franco- Scottish fleet to cut off Henry's 
return from Calais. Before starting for the front James IV. 
had despatched the Scottish ships — twenty-three altogether 
— under the command of the Earl of Arran, the fleet sailing 
from Leith on July 25 and reaching Brest in September, 
after raiding Carrickfergus. The French King appointed 
Louis de Rouville to the command of the combined force in 
the following letters patent : 

THE FRANCO-SCOTTISH FLEET. 

[Translated from original text in " The War with France in 1512-13."] 

Corbie, September 17, 15 13. 

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France, to all 
who shall see these present letters, greeting. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 217 

So that we may fall upon our ancient enemies, the 
English, who, as is well known, have invaded our 
Kingdom, armed and with great power, in all parts, 
pillaging and destroying the ancient places and 
countries of our said Kingdom, and are striving to do 
even more ; and in order to harass and injure the 
said enemies on the sea, we have, from the beginning 
of this year, prepared, armed, victualled, and equipped 
several ships from our countries of Normandy and 
Brittany. But it so happened that they were not 
powerful enough ; and, having regard to the great 
number of ships that our said enemies had, they were 
not able to attack, and it was expedient that they 
should retire in port until now when our dear and 
well beloved brother, cousin, and ally, the King of 
Scotland, in accordance with the friendship, con- 
federation, and alliance which is between us, has 
sent us for our succour and relief a number 
of ships from his said Kingdom, well armed and 
equipped, that they may join with ours. And, there- 
fore, we have had our said ships from Normandy 
and Brittany prepared, so that they may combine 
together and strive to make some attack on our said 
enemies. 

And that this fleet might be well ordered and 
commanded it was needful that we should give the 
office to some wise, notable, and virtuous personage, 
who may serve us in the matter. 

Let it be known, therefore, after consideration of 
these things, and in consequence of the perfect and 
entire confidence which we have in the person of our 
friend and trusty counsellor and chamberlain, Louis 
de Rouville, chevalier, seigneur of the said place, 
master of the hounds of France, and also in his 
judgment, competence, loyalty, conduct, experience, 
and good diligence, we have appointed, constituted, 
ordained, and established, by these presents, the said 
Louis to be our lieutenant-in-chief in our said navy, 
which will presently set out to join the said Scottish 
ships. . . . 



2i8 THE YOUTH OF HENRY /III 

The combined fleet fared no better than the French and 
Scottish armies, a storm, as on more than one other 
crisis in our naval history, coming to England's rescue, and 
scattering the ships in all directions. James IV. was at 
least spared the mortification of witnessing their return to 
Edinburgh in November, after they had completely failed of 
their purpose. 

The victory of Flodden Field was immeasurably greater 
than anything that Henry himself had yet achieved, or was 
likely to accomplish in France, though Terouanne had at 
length capitulated, and he was now on his way to lay siege 
to Tournay. Catherine's inspiring enthusiasm and ceaseless 
energy during his absence had played no small part in this 
overwhelming triumph at home. In imitation of her mother, 
Isabella, writes Peter Martyr in one of his letters, the Queen 
" made a splendid oration to the English captains, told them 
to be ready to defend their territory, that the Lord smiled 
upon those who stood in defence of their own, and that they 
should remember that English courage excelled that of all 
other nations. Fired by these words, the nobles marched 
against the Scots, who were then wasting the Borders, and 
defeated them." 1 Catherine was on her way with reinforce- 
ments when the great news from Flodden reached her at 
Woburn. She sent on the news post haste to Henry in 
France, with a fragment of James's blood-stained coat as a 
trophy. It was hardly judicious on her part, however, to 
glorify, as she did in her letter, what she felt to be her own 
victory at the expense of her husband's possible achieve- 
ments in France. This was not the first time that she had 
rather belittled his victories. The Duke of Farrara, 
who was at the front with Henry and Maximilian, men- 
tions in one of his letters that when she wrote to con- 
gratulate her husband on his capture of the Duke of 
Longueville, she boastfully added that it was no great 
thing for one armed man to take another, but that she 
was sending him three, taken by a woman ; and that 
if he sent her a captive duke she would soon send him a 
king : 2 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., p. 675. 

2 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 139. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 219 

CATHERINE OF ARRAGON TO HENRY VIII. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Woburn, September 16, 1513.] 

Sir, 

My Lord Howard hath sent me a letter open to 
your Grace, within one of mine, by the which ye 
shall see at length the great victory that our Lord 
hath sent your subjects in your absence ; and for this 
cause it is no need herein to trouble your Grace with 
long writing. But, to my thinking, this battle hath 
been to your Grace and all your realm the greatest 
honour that could be, and more than if ye should 
win all the crown of France. Thanked be God of it : 
and I am sure your Grace forgetteth not to do this, 
which shall be cause to send you many more such 
great victories, as I trust He shall do. 

My husband, for hastiness, with Rouge Cross, I 
could not send your Grace the piece of the King ol 
Scots' coat which John Glyn now bringeth. In this 
your Grace shall see how I can keep my promise, 
sending you for your banners a King's coat. I 
thought to send himself unto you, but our English- 
men's hearts would not suffer it. It should have 
been better for him to have been in peace than 
have this reward. All that God sendeth is for the 
best. 

My Lord of Surrey, my Henry, would fain know 
your pleasure in the burying of the King of Scots' 
body, for he hath written to me so. With the next 
messenger your Grace's pleasure may be herein 
known. And with this I make an end : praying God 
to send you home shortly, for without this no joy 
here can be accomplished ; and for the same I pray, 
and now go to our Lady at Walsingham that I 
promised so long ago to see. At Woburn the 16th 
day of September. 

I send your Grace herein a bill found in a 
Scottishman's purse of such things as the French 
King sent to the said King of Scots to make war 
against you, beseeching you to send Matthew hither 



220 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

as soon as this messenger cometh to bring me tidings 
from your Grace. 

Your humble wife and true servant, Katherine. 

The difficulty with regard to poor James's remains was 
that he died under the Pope's excommunication. Catherine 
had the body embalmed and Henry wrote to the Pope from 
Tournay for permission to bury it with royal honours in 
St. Paul's Cathedral, but though the permission was granted, 
nothing further was done in the matter. It was one of the 
early blots on Henry's escutcheon that he allowed the 
body to remain neglected and unburied in a lumber room in 
Shene monastery. Not until Elizabeth's day were the bones 
interred — and then unceremoniously — in the Church of St. 
Michael's. 

While Catherine's letter was still on its way to Henry, the 
English King was paying a visit to the Emperor's daughter, 
the Archduchess Margaret, at Lille. The centre of the 
campaign was now shifting to Tournay, the fortifications of 
Terouanne having been first blown up by gunpowder. 
Henry was received at Lille with all the honours of a 
conquering hero, and he rose to the occasion by entering the 
town " with as much pomp," to quote from Taylor's 
Diary, " as ever he did at Westminster with his crown on." 
The people, he adds, " crowded out of the town to meet him 
in such numbers you would have thought none could have 
been left behind ; girls offered crowns, sceptres, and garlands; 
outlaws and malefactors with white rods in their hands 
besought pardon. Between the gate of the town and the 
palace the way was lined with burning torches, although it 
was bright day, and there was scarce room for the riders to 
pass. Tapestries were hung from the houses, and tents 
erected at frequent intervals, where histories of the Old and 
New Testament and of the poets were acted." 1 

A graphic summary of all the great happenings since 
Henry set out on his successful campaign is furnished in a 
letter sent from Tournay by Sir Brian Tuke, Clerk of the 
Signet, to Richard Pace, Secretary to Cardinal Bainbridge, 
at Rome : 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 625. 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 221 

SIR BRIAN TUKE TO RICHARD PACE. 
[Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[Tournay, September 22, 15 13.] 

First of all, on quitting England, they found the 
weather very mild. Secondly, the army, though 
composed of heterogeneous nations, was so well 
agreed and unanimous, and so utterly free from 
dissensions, as to defy exaggeration. Thirdly, no 
epidemic of any sort assailed so very numerous an 
army. Fourthly, such was the plenty of provisions, 
that 20,000 men were living in the camp in time of 
war far more cheaply than they lived at home in time 
of peace. Fifthly, they had many friends, who were 
of the greatest help to them, the chief of them being 
the Emperor, who with many princes and other great 
lords remained there constantly. Sixthly, in every 
direction they gained victories hitherto unparalleled, 
being always few against many, and always con- 
quering, a proof of divine assistance. 

In order to give him (Pace) a fuller account of all 
their proceedings than was contained in the letters of 
the King, who wished to diminish rather than to 
exaggerate, [Tuke] informs him that the King gave 
Terouanne to the Emperor, whose commanders, after 
the departure of the English troops, burnt the whole 
city, with the exception of the cathedral church ; the 
population, warned by the King, having carried off 
all their effects to the neighbouring towns ; and such 
was the end of Terouanne, of late so impregnable a 
stronghold. 

This done, the King went to Lille on a visit to the 
Lady Margaret, to which very grand spectacle all the 
noble lords and ladies, and the merchants of Flanders, 
Holland and Brabant crowded, and received his 
Majesty in very great triumph. On the following 
Tuesday the King returned to the army, then on its 
march to besiege Tournay, where they found the 
suburbs burnt, but the neighbouring towns and 
villages so well supplied with wheat and barley and 



222 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

other daily necessaries, that each of the King's 
soldiers would have enough for himself and his horse 
for the next eighteen weeks. The city was then 
blockaded on every side, and the army built winter 
dwellings for themselves, of which a great part have 
chimneys. Tournay is large and beautiful, the 
wealthiest city in all Flanders, and the most populous 
of any on that side of Paris. Have stormed one 
gate, inside which the King's troops have established 
themselves ; the castle has been battered down by 
the artillery. Within the city there are no soldiers, 
but a great amount of peasantry and butchers, 
without any commander-in-chief. The besieged 
think themselves sufficiently strong to resist the 
whole world, because they have a very great amount 
of cannon ; but they suffer from a scarcity ot 
provisions, and, he believes, lack powder. The 
besiegers walk close to the walls daily, and the King 
does so occasionally for three hours and a half at 
a time. The English ordnance was planted in the 
trenches, and the enemy having twice sought a 
parley, it was granted for two days, during which 
time the besiegers not abstaining from visiting the 
trenches, the enemy pointed a gun to intimidate 
them ; whereupon the King ordered all the ordnance 
to play upon the city, which was done so incessantly 
that the walls were well nigh levelled to the ground. 
The besieged then again demanded a parley, though 
the cannon continue to play, as the King will not 
lose a moment of time. At any rate the place is 
gained. It manufactures excellent carpets and table 
covers, and will prove very useful for the King, as 
Burgundian and Rhenish wines can be conveniently 
brought thence to England, on which account the 
dwellings built as already described, and which occupy 
a space more than thrice the size of Tournay, will be 
left standing. 

The French army is so great a distance from the 
English that no breeze can bring them any news 
of it, 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 223 

Have sent a message full of comfort to the 
Schismatic King, 1 thus : — 

" The King of Scots, of all Christian men the 
falsest, has been killed in fair fight by the Earl of 
Surrey, who attacked the King's own camp in a 
forest called Barmerwood, in England, all the nobility 
of Scotland being with the King. In the conflict 
10,000 Scots were slain, in the flight as many more. 
The battle was fought on the gth of this month. All 
the ordnance of the Scots, their tents, and the rest 
of their baggage was taken ; the course of the whole 
business being as follows : — 

" On St. Bartholomew's Eve (August 23) the false 
and perjured King of Scots invaded England, and 
took the castle of Norham (not without shame to 
certain individuals), razing it to the ground. He 
then led his army towards Berwick, burning the 
villages in every direction. The Earl of Surrey, 
Lord Dacres, Coniers, Latimer, Scrope, and other 
great personages of those parts had not yet mustered; 
but each made such haste that on the 7th of 
September the Earl of Surrey challenged the aforesaid 
perjured King of Scots to give battle on the following 
Friday. Such was the reliance placed by the King 
on his French and Scottish commanders, that he 
thought all England together would not dare -oppose 
him ; but the Earl of Surrey kept his engagement 
and promise. Lord Howard, the Admiral, having 
heard that the King of Scots most boastfully pro- 
claimed that he had long sought him by land and 
sea, as one who from fear always fled and avoided 
battle, quitted the royal fleet, left a deputy in 
command, forthwith landed, and sent a message to 
the perjured King of Scots, that he would lead the 
van of the army, not on horseback, but on foot, lest 
he should be supposed a craven and a runaway. He 
moreover warned the King of Scots not to take him 
alive ; he having determined not to capture any Scot, 

1 Louis XII. having sanctioned the conventicle of Pisa, Tuke was 
justified in giving him this title, — Rawdon Brown, 



224 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

however noble he might be, even were it the King 
himself, but to kill him— promises which were 
fulfilled. 

" Accordingly on the appointed day, the army 
attacked the Scots, whose forces were assembled on 
the summit of a hill, at the distance of a mile from 
its base, the hill being so strengthened and defended 
by ordnance that the assailants were obliged to wade 
through a certain marshy pass, leaving their guns in 
the rear. The army of the Scots formed five lines in 
square battalions, representing the figure of a spear- 
head ; all being equi-distant from the English army, 
which was divided into two lines, with two wings. 
In spite of the Scottish artillery, which inflicted little 
or no damage, Lord Howard marched to the foot of 
the hill, where he halted a short time, until the other 
wing of the rearguard had joined the last of his lines. 
Thereupon the Scots came down the hill in very good 
order, after the German fashion, with iron spears in 
masses. The Earl of Huntley, the Earl of Airlie, 
and the Earl of Crawford broke upon Lord Howard. 
This force, together with the Earls, all perished. 

" The perjured King of Scots attacked the Earl of 
Surrey, at whose side Lord Darcy's son was following ; 
near whom Lord Maxwell, a Scot, and his brother, 
Lord Herries, were killed, and well nigh all the rest 
of the Scottish nobles, the list of whose names had 
not yet been received. In these two engagements no 
prisoners were made, no quarter given. The Earl of 
Havevves (sic) [WiMiam Hay, fifth Earl of Errol ?] 
and the Earl of Argyll, 1 with a very great force, 
attacked Sir Edward Stanley, who slew the greatest 
part of them. Lord Edmund Howard, who led his 
brother's right wing, was assailed by the Chamberlain 
of Scotland (Alexander Lord Home). He was thrice 
felled by the Chamberlain, to the blame of his 
soldiers, who were cowards, but Lord Dacres 
succoured him with fifty horse. The Chamberlain of 

1 Sic ; Lennox (?}, 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 225 

Scotland alone got him alive, though he nevertheless 
in like manner lost all his men." 

After the performance of these feats, the entire 
army of the Scots took flight. The flight commenced 
at noon and lasted till night. The English halber- 
diers decided the whole affair, so that in this battle 
the bows and ordnance were of little use. Only one 
English nobleman, a knight, fell ; the rest of the 
killed did not amount to 400. Of the Scots upwards 
of 10,000 men were captured and slain in flight, and as 
many more were killed on the battlefield. At the time 
of this engagement Lord Lovel was at Nottingham 
with 15,000 men, on his march towards Scotland, the 
Queen being already forty miles beyond London, 
with 40,000. The Scots numbered in reality 60,000 
men, though they were said to be 80,000. The 
English were 40,000, though reported to be only 
30,000 ; and this is the end of James, late King of 
Scots, of all mankind the falsest. 

In the pouch of a noble Scot who perished a written 
paper was found, of the following tenor : 

"To the western seaport of Dunbar the King ol 
France sent to James IV. King of Scots : first 
25,000 gold crowns of full weight. Also 40 cart- 
loads of powder. Two pieces of great ordnance 
called cannons. Also a ship laden with 400 arque- 
buses and 600 hand culverins, with their shot. Also 
a ship laden with bombards and other engines, 

including 6,000 spears, 6,000 maces, , and pikes. 

Also a knight, by name Dansi (sic), with 50 men at 
arms, and 40 captains to command the soldiers." 

After the King's letters had been written, he 
detained them for three hours to announce the 
result of the parley granted to the citizens of 
Tournay ; and in the meantime another courier 
arrived from England, with news that all the Scottish 
nobility fell in the battle, namely, 11 earls, 15 barons, 
1 archbishop (of St. Andrew's he supposes), 2 bishops, 
and the King's secretary ; the French ambassador, 
Mons. de la Motte, and a great many other nobles. 

y.h. Q 



226 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

The rent surcoat of the King of Scots has been 
sent to Tournay stained with blood : it was chequered 
in the English fashion. The traitor Scots, who dared 
not face England when the King was there, and 
sought to destroy her in his absence, have paid 
condign penalty. 

Yesterday, this opulant, strong, and fair and 
extensive city of Tournay surrendered. It might 
have been stormed, the English having battered 
down the castle, and forced one of the gates, ol 
which they kept possession ; but the King most 
graciously granted the abject and pitiful prayers of 
the besieged, who requested permission to surrender 
it to him and his heirs ; and the Emperor renounced 
all his claims upon it, in favour of our most Christian 
King, who is to enter the city in triumph on the 
morrow. After thanksgiving to God, jousts will be 
formed ; the King receiving on his entry 100,000 
ducats, besides a great many other presents derived 
from the spontaneous civility of the citizens. The 
King is also to receive 10,000 ducats annually, 
besides the royalties belonging to the city. 

We have now the city of Terouenne, which was 
called " the King's Treasury " and Tournay, on 
whose walls was inscribed " La pucelle sans reproche" 
namely, *- the unsullied maiden." The " King's 
Treasury" is burnt, and this " Maiden " hath lost 
her maidenhood. 

I am greatly fatigued, writing good and gladsome 
news, thank God, in every direction. We also took 
five other walled towns, which nobody here values 
because of the magnitude of other matters. If, as 
is supposed, the Queen be with child, we owe very 
much to God. 

Interspersed with the jousting and the rejoicing in 
Tournay was the remarkable courtship between Margaret, 
" Savoy's blooming Duchess," as Drayton calls her — and 
the King's handsome favourite, Charles Brandon, whom he 
had created Viscount Lisle earlier in the year, and for whom 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 227 

he now played the part of Cupid's interpreter. At a later 
date, when this affair led her into trouble with her father, 
and threatened to complicate the peace negotiations, she 
wrote an account of the whole proceedings, stating that 
when she met Brandon, the virtue and grace of whose person 
were such " that I have not much seen any gentleman to 
approach it," and witnessed Henry's great love for him, 
she constrained herself to do him honour and pleasure in 
order to please the King : 

. . . But when Henry asked her " whether this 

good will would stretch as far as marriage, seeing 

that it was the fashion of the ladies of England, and 

that it was not there holden for evil?" she had 

replied, that it was impossible and would bring upon 

her the evil grace of her father and all that country ; 

" that it was not here the custom, and that I should 

be dishonoured, and holden for a fool and light." 

But, not to grieve the King, she further said, " that 

if now I had well the will so for to do, that I 

neither would nor durst think (of it)," as his return 

was so nigh. He said, when they departed, he knew 

well the ladies would forget him, that she would be 

pressed to marry, for she was too young to abide 

thus, and the ladies of his country did re-marry at 

fifty and three-score. She said she had been unhappy 

in husbands. Twice after, in the presence of Brandon, 

the King returned to the charge, saying, " I know 

well, madame, and am sure, that my fellow shall be 

to you a true servant, and that he is altogether 

yours ; but we fear that ye shall not do in likewise, 

for one shall force you to be again married, and that 

she shall not be found out of this country at my 

return." He then made her promise that she would 

not marry at least until his return, or the end of the 

year, — " the which I did willingly, for I think not again 

ever to put me where I have had so much unhap 

and infortune," — and afterwards made his fellow do 

the semblable, who said he would not marry without 

her consent. 

Q 2 



228 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

These words were said at Tournay one night after 
supper, well late. The other time was at Lille, 
the day before they departed, when he and Suffolk 
spoke to her long at the head of a cupboard, " which 
was not without great displeasure well great of all 
persons " ; and after many promises he made 
Margaret re- confirm in his hand, and the same of 
Suffolk, her promise aforesaid ; " and the said per- 
sonage, in my hand, without that I required him, 
made me the semblable." Nothing passed since, 
except some gracious letters, the which have been 
enough evil kept. 

As to Suffolk having shown a diamond ring she 
gave him, — " which I cannot belive, for I esteem 
much a man of virtue and wise," — the truth is, that 
" one night at Tournay, being at the banquet, he put 
himself on his knees before me, and in speaking and 
him playing, he drew from my finger the ring, and 
put it upon his, and since showed it me ; and I took 
to laugh, and to him said that he was a thief, and 
that I thought not that the King had with him led 
thieves out of his country. This word lawn he could 
not understand ; therefore I was constrained to ask 
how one said in Flemish lawn. And afterwards I 
said to him in Flemish dieffe, and I prayed him many 
times to give it me again, for that it was too much 
known. But he understood me not well, and kept it 
on unto the next day that I spake to the King, him 
requiring to make him to give it me, because it was 
too much known — I promising him one of my bracelets 
the which I wore, the which I gave him. And then 
he gave me the said ring ; the which one other time 
at Lille, being set nigh to my Lady of Homes, and 
he before, upon his knees, it took again from my 
finger. I spake to the King to have it again ; but 
it was not possible ; for he said unto me that he 
would give me others better, and that I should leave 
him that. I said unto him, that it was not for the 
value but that it was too much known. He would 
not understand it but departed from me. The 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 229 

morrow after he brought me one fair point of 
diamond, and one table of ruby, and showed me 
that it was for the other ring ; therefore I durst no 
more speak of it, if not to beseech him that it should 
not be showed to any person ; the which hath not to 
me been done. 1 

Margaret was at this time about thirty, and years before, it 
will be remembered, had flatly declined to marry Henry VII. 
as her third husband. Brandon, who had been a favourite 
at the English Court since his father, the gallant standard- 
bearer to Henry VII., gave his life for his King on Bosworth 
Field, had also been twice married. He had, indeed, one 
wife still living, whom he had divorced on the convenient 
plea of consanguinity, and doubtless had already won the 
heart of his future bride, the King's younger sister, Princess 
Mary, at present betrothed to Prince Charles of Castile. 
The marriage knot was loosely tied in those days, and 
probably neither Margaret nor Mary thought any the less 
of the captivating Brandon because of his earlier, heartless 
adventures in the matrimonial world. 

For details of the subsequent happenings in Tournay we 
must return to the diary of John Taylor, who relates how 
the King and Lord Lisle challenged all comers at the tourna- 
ments held in the captured city, " the King excelling everyone 
as much in agility and in breaking spears, as in nobleness of 
stature " : 

During this whole journey (he concludes) the 
Emperor showed the greatest condescension, declar- 
ing publicly that he came to be of use to the King 
of England, and calling the King at one time his 
son, at another his King, and at another his brother. 
When they entered Terouenne together the King 
of England alone carried a flag of triumph before 
him — and in the Cathedral the Emperor yielded to 
him the place of honour, returning afterwards to 
Are like a private person. He also put off for some 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 759. 



2 3 o THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

days his entry into Tournay, that he might not 
detract from the King of England's glory. . . . 

Maximilian's humility is understandable when we remem- 
ber that he was reaping most of the benefits of Henry's 
victories, just as Ferdinand alone had benefited by 
England's unlucky share in the Spanish campaign of the 
previous year. The Emperor was all for driving these 
victories home by fresh conquests in the field, but the season 
was getting late ; for commissariat and transport difficulties 
made it well nigh impossible in those days adequately to 
maintain an army through the long winter months in hostile 
territory abroad, and the affairs in Scotland decided the 
English King to rest content, for the time being, with the 
laurels already won. Before leaving France, however, he 
signed a treaty at Lille in October, by which he bound 
himself, in alliance both with Maximilian and Ferdinand, to 
continue the war with increased vigour before the following 
June. At Lille, too, was renewed the old pledge between 
the Emperor and the English Sovereign for the marriage of 
Maximilian's grandson, Charles of Castile, and the Princess 
Mary, the ceremony now being fixed to take place during the 
following spring. We shall presently see how both these 
old intriguers kept faith with the English King. 

Martin Hume says that Henry brought back with him 
from France his first mistress, Elizabeth Blount, Lord 
Mountjoy's sister, but there does not seem to be any con- 
temporary proof of this. Later, as is well known, she 
became his acknowledged mistress, bearing him, in 15 19, a 
son, who became Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond ; and 
remaining, until Mary Boleyn arrived upon the scene, about 
1521, the only woman who threatened seriously to supplant 
Catherine in the King's affections. For the time being, 
however, there was no such cloud in sight when Henry, 
landing unannounced at Dover towards the end of October, 
took the queen by surprise at Richmond, "where," writes 
Hall, " there was such a loving meeting that everyone 
rejoiced who witnessed it." 

While Henry was still in France the pacific Leo had 
admonished him not to be elated by his victories over the 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 231 

French and the Scots, but to make peace ; to which, on 
landing in England, the King dutifully replied that he 
attributed his victories not to himself, but to God. As God 
gave Saul power to slay 1,000, he wrote, and David strength 
to kill 10,000 enemies, so He had made him strong. He was 
sorry, he added, that the King of Scots had been slain, but 
must observe that, although the Scots had lost almost all 
their noblemen, and almost all their engines of war had been 
taken from them, they had nevertheless not made any offers 
of peace. He had read the Pope's pious exhortations 
with great veneration, but was afraid lest a premature 
peace might only be the source of greater wars in the 
future. 1 

Henry had already written to Lord Dacre to punish the 
Scots who were still troubling the Border by making two 
raids upon the West and Middle Marches. Dacre's reply, 
in which he acknowledged the receipt of these instructions, 
and described the raid of November 10, gives an idea of 
what Border warfare meant in those embittered days : 

THOMAS LORD DACRE TO HENRY VIII. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Harbottel, November 13, 15 13.] 

. . . Upon Thursday last past I assembled your 
subjects in Northumberland to the number of a 
thousand horsemen, and rode in at Gallespeth and 
so to the water of Kale, two miles within Scotland, 
and there set forth two forays — my brother, Philip 
Dacre, with three hundred men, who burnt and 
destroyed the town of Rowcastle, with all the corn 
in the same and thereabouts, and won two towers in 
it, and burnt both roof and floors ; and Sir Roger 
Fenwick, with three hundred men, [who] burnt the 
town of Langton and destroyed all the corn therein : 
which towns are in the heart of the country, two 
miles beyond Jedburgh, upon the waters of Cheviot. 
And I came with an ambush to a place called the 
Dungyon, a mile from Jedburgh, and so went to 

1 Spanish State Papers, Vol. II., p. 165. 



232 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

the Sclater Ford, on the water of Bowset ; and there 
the Scots pursued us right sore, there bickered with 
us, and gave us hand strokes. There came three 
standards to back them, that is to say David Karr, 
of Fernehirst, and the lord of Boudgedworth on the 
other side, with the number of seven hundred men or 
more. The lord of Walghope was hurt with one 
arrow, and his horse slain ; Mark Trumbill was 
stricken with a spear and the head left in him ; his 
horse was won, and divers Scotchmen were hurt 
there. And so we come forwards, where we saw my 
brother, Sir Christopher Dacre, with his host arrayed 
at a place called the Belling, which was to us no 
little comfort, and to him great gladness, seeing the 
small power we were of at that time. 

My said brother came in at Cressopbridge and 
there entered the Middle Marches, and so came 
through Liddesdale, fourteen miles within the 
ground of Scotland, and there he put forth two 
forays. Sir John Ratcliff, with five hundred men in 
one, burnt the town of Dyker, with a tower in the 
same ; they laid corn and straw to the door and 
burnt it both roof and floor, and so smoked them out. 
Also the said Sir John and his company burnt the 
towns of Sowdon and Lurchestrother, with a tower, 
and destroyed all the corn about them, and took 
divers prisoners with much insight and goods. 
Nicholas Harrington, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas 
Medilton, and George Skelton, with others to the 
number of five hundred in the other foray, burnt 
the town of Hyndhalghehede, and a tower in the same, 
floor and roof; and in likewise the towns of West 
Sawside and East Sawside. And my said brother, 
Sir Christopher, with two thousand horsemen, and 
four hundred footmen, with bows, for safeguard of 
the host in straits, came in a snare to Dykerawe ; 
and there the said forays relieved to him, and so 
came forward and met me. We had not ridden 
above the space of a mile when we saw the Lord 
Chamberlain appear in our sight with two thousand 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 233 

men, and four standards ; the other three standards 
resorted to him, and so the country drew fast to 
them. We put us in array to come homewards, and 
rode no faster than our sheep and swine that we had 
won would drive, which were of no great substance, 
for the country was warned of our coming, and the 
beacons burnt from midnight forward. And when 
the Scots had given us over we returned home and 
came in at the Redeswyre. I came to Harbottel at 
midnight : my brother, Sir Christopher, lay that 
night at the tower of Otterbourne, and upon the 
morn to Hexham, and his folks in other towns upon 
the water of Tyne, and, on the third day at home, as 
many as might get. 

Sir, I see not the gentlemen of the country in a 
readiness for defence of your borders, for certain of 
them to whom I had given warning, as my Lord 
Ogle, which promised to come to me, the constable 
of Alnwick, and others, trusting they would have 
been glad to do your Grace service accordingly as 
they have done to your Wardens in time of war, came 
not to me at the place appointed, whereby I was 
not accompanied as I thought to have been. I 
was counselled and advised by my guides to have 
adjourned my purpose, and so would have done, but 
only that I had appointed with my brother, Sir 
Christopher, to meet him in Scotland, for he departed 
from, me to the West Marches to bring my folks from 
thence whom I might not disappoint, and I had no 
space to give him warning ; it was thirty miles from 
me and more ; and else I had not kept my purpose, 
which now is performed, thanked be Jesu, and all your 
subjects in safety but a servant of mine, which was 
killed there, and two Scots were slain and many 
others hurt the same time. 

Please it your Grace, as for the Raid to be made 
upon your West March I cannot see how it can be done 
conveniently unto the next light, 1 for two considera- 

1 The full of the moon was the favourite time for Border forays. 



234 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

tions ; one is because I dare not be absent from this 
Middle March during this light, for fear the Scots 
should destroy and burn the country in my absence, 
which I regard greatly; and one other is that my 
servants' horses, which came to this Raid, were sore 
laboured, for they rode twenty-eight hours without any 
abate. And in the next light I shall, God willing, 
perform the said Raid ; and in the meantime shall 
cause small Raids be made, which shall be as great 
annoyance to the Scots as a great Raid should be, and 
thus shall your money be employed to the best I can, 
and for the greatest hurt and destruction of the Scots ; 
for I shall be as good a husband thereof as I would 
be of mine own, and always I shall be ready to give 
account of the same at your pleasure. . . . 

For the victory of Flodden, Henry, in the following 
February, raised the Earl of Surrey to the rank and title of 
Duke of Norfolk. Lord Thomas Howard was at the same time 
made Earl of Surrey in his own right. The King also sent 
letters of thanks to various other men who had distinguished 
themselves on the same occasion, of which the following may 
be given as an example. Sir Richard Cholmondeley was 
shortly afterwards rewarded with the Lieutenancy of the 
Tower of London : 

HENRY VIII. TO SIR RICHARD CHOLMONDELEY. 

[Grove's " Life and Times of Wolsey."] 

[Windsor, November 27, 15 13.] 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well, and 
understand, as well by the report of our right trusty 
cousin and councillor, the Earl of Surrey, and others, 
what acceptable service you, among others, lately 
did unto us, by your valiant towardness in assisting 
of our said cousin against our great enemy, the late 
King of Scots ; and how courageously you, as a very 
hearty loving subject, acquitted yourself for the over- 
throw of the said late King, and distressed his malice 
and power, to our great honour and the advancing of 
your no little fame and praise ; for which we have 



WAR WITH FRANCE AND SCOTLAND 235 

good cause to favour and thank you, and so we full 
heartily do ; and assured may you be, that we shall 
in such effectual wise remember your said service, in 
any your reasonable pursuits, as you shall have cause 
to think the same right well employed, to your 
comfort and weal hereafter. 

The only cloud over England at this time was an outbreak 
of plague, which raged most fiercely in London, when the 
deaths in November averaged between 300 and 400 a day. 1 
Otherwise the year closed in England amid rejoicings over 
the conquests which had wiped out the disgrace of the earlier 
expeditions, and in preparations for the larger scheme of 
operations planned for the ensuing spring. If Henry had 
played into the hands of wily and unscrupulous allies, whom 
he had helped repeatedly with men and money, and who 
were even now plotting to leave him again in the lurch, his 
plunge into Continental warfare had not been altogether 
valueless either to England or himself. " Love for the 
King," wrote an effusive foreigner in London in the autumn 
of this year, " is universal with all who see him, for his 
Highness does not seem a person of this world, but one 
descended from Heaven." 2 The diplomatic correspondence 
of the period, too, with its changing tone when England's 
power and influence were discussed, shows how rapidly 
both had increased during these few eventful months. 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 151. 

2 Ibid., p. 144. 



CHAPTER VI 

PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT (1514) 

Ferdinand's Fears of England's Growing Power — Quintana's 
Treacherous Mission — Margaret Tries to Preserve Maximilian's 
Loyalty — Henry Deserted by his Allies — His Rage — Refuses 
Loan to Maximilian — Emperor's Old Offer of Imperial Crown — 
Leo X. Sends Henry Sword and Cap of Maintenance — Investi- 
ture at St. Paul's — Henry Repays his Betrayers in their own 
Coin — Burning of Brighton — Proposed Marriage between 
Louis XII. and Princess Mary — Henry's fresh Hopes of an 
Heir — State of Ireland — Scotland — Henry's new Ship — His 
Horses — Sends Present in Return to Marquis of Mantua — 
Henry's Negotiations with the Duke of Longueville — Mary 
Betrothed to Louis of France — She Writes to Him — Their 
Marriage by Proxy — Ferdinand Blames Maximilian — Maxi- 
milian and Margaret Blame Henry — Henry's Retort — Margaret's 
" Secret Matters " — The French King's Longing — Assassination 
of Cardinal Bainbridge — Bishop of Worcester Accused and 
Pronounced Innocent — Wolsey Succeeds as Archbishop of 
York — Henry's Tribute to his Merits — Wolsey Aims at the 
Cardinalate. 

Ferdinand had watched the brilliant successes of his 
son-in-law with mingled feelings, in which there was little 
satisfaction. He began to be " afraid of the over-growing 
power of England " * — to quote the words of Peter Martyr, 
who was living at the Spanish Court. Ferdinand felt the 
handicap of increasing age, too, and suffered from asthma. 
Three things, wrote Peter Martyr, kept him from perfect 
recovery, "while fortune was smiling upon England and 
scowling upon France . . . old age, for he is now sixty- 
two ; a wife that never leaves him, and hunting and living 
in the woods." 2 When Ferdinand realized the full force of 
England's victories, he decided that the best thing to do was 
to repeat his old device of leaving his son-in-law to fight his 
battles alone. This time, however, he meant to complete 
his discomfiture by persuading Maximilian also to desert 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 763. 

2 Ibid., p. 689. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 237 

him. Although on December 6 he wrote to Henry saying 
that he had signed the treaty drawn up at Lille for the 
continuation of the war in the following spring, he had 
probably already entered into preliminary negotiations with 
Louis XII., as well as with the Emperor. On January 22 
he wrote to his secretary and ambassador, Don Pedro de 
Quintana, to whom he had entrusted this treacherous 
mission, that although the Emperor might refuse to enter 
the league openly, he would, perhaps, secretly become a 
member of it : 

At all events, the treaty is to be concluded in such 
a way that the Emperor may afterwards accede to it. 
The King of France believes that he has concluded a 
treaty with the Emperor and the King of England, 
the subject of which is an intended invasion of 
France. Assures him that such is not the case. 
Would, on no conditions, sign such a treaty, as he 
highly esteems the King of France, and wishes to be 
at peace with him, and to live like a brother of his 
for the rest of his days. . . - 1 

Maximilian, unstable as ever, was ready to betray his 
young ally if Ferdinand would make it worth his while to 
do so, his daughter Margaret trying in vain to persuade him 
to play the more honourable part. On February 20, 15 14, 
she told Thomas Spinelly — who promptly transmitted the 
information to Henry VIII. — that she would oppose her 
father's intentions as unreasonable, and contrary to the 
treaty made with England, and that if he persisted, she 
would break with him. " If the Emperor and England 
continue united, she thinks that Arragon will not dare 
abandon them." 2 Four days later she expressed herself 
clearly on the subject to Maximilian himself: 

MARGARET TO MAXIMILIAN. 
[" Lettres de Maximilien et de Marguerite," Vol. II., p. 225.] 

[February 24, 15 14.] 

Monseigneur, ... I entreat you to pardon me if, 
so that no time may be lost, I venture to give you 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., p. 201. 

2 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 747. 



238 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

my opinion. Two dispatches have arrived here from 
Spain, addressed to the Ambassador, who is here, 
and, as I understand, they are for certain propositions 
which Quintana has for you : to wit, that the King of 
France offers the Catholic King a marriage between 
his daughter, Mme. Renee, and the Infante, Don 
Fernando, 1 abandoning his claim to Naples, the 
Castle of Gennes, and the Duchy of Milan ; and 
likewise he offers, for a security, to deliver his 
daughter into his hands, saying many good and fair 
words ; which I think is what I have already heard 
from the said Quintana. You will like to know that 
neither to Monsieur, my nephew, nor to this country, 
is this news ; nor, indeed, to the King of England, 
from what I have been able to gather from the said 
Ambassador, who has spoken of it to me plainly and 
at length. It appears to me that he was charged to 
entreat me that I would hold my hand in this affair, 
as you had already given a very good answer to the 
said Quintana on his mission, and that I should not 
turn you away from your good purpose. 

Monseigneur, what I think in regard to this, is that 
the Catholic King speaks very well for himself; and 
it appears to me that he could not make a cheaper 
bargain at the moment than this truce, seeing that 
he only asks to keep what he has won, but, Mon- 
seigneur, you and we, on this side, would be left at 
the mercy of fortune. For if the King of England 
sees that you may forsake him, he will turn your 
desertion so much to his profit that we should not 
know what to do, but I am sure this will not be if 
you do not break your promise to him. 

For God's sake, Monseigneur, do not deceive your- 
self, but remember how during the past year you 
consented thoughtlessly to make the truce with the 
Catholic King which has since been so injurious to 
you and your friends, as you have complained to me 
many times. Wherefore, Monseigneur, do not give 

1 Younger brother of Prince Charles of Castile. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 239 

way too soon in this affair of Quintana's, but first be 
well advised and counselled, so that you may under- 
stand how it will all fall out. 

Monseigneur, between the Catholic King and 
France, there are great mountains, and between 
France and England there is the sea ; but between 
our lands and France there is no separation, and 
you know the great and inveterate enmity which the 
French bear to this House. 

On the other hand, it is to be feared that these fine 
offers from France were only put forward in order to 
escape the tempest which would fall upon them if 
every one were as disposed to do his duty as the King 
of England, who has made incredible preparations for 
war ; and, when matters have cooled down we, in 
this country, may have to bear all the burden, which 
is much to be feared, because our people are not 
inclined for war, and are ill-provided with the 
necessary things. 

Monseigneur, I believe that the King of Arragon 
desires to remain at peace, as he has all that he asks 
for and he is already old and infirm ; but that would 
not suit Monsieur and his dominions, so perhaps he 
[the king of Arragon] will never have that happiness. 
You know that the Catholic King is the Prince 
of Christendom after yourself and Monsieur, my 
nephew ; and no one but God and yourself know 
the pains I have taken to bring you together, as 
two true fathers of an only son ought to be for the 
welfare of their common children ; but, Monseigneur, 
where I think that your honour and fortune, and that 
of this House, are touched, there is no prince in the 
world who shall make me speak or advise you aught 
else but what I know will be for your honour and 
advantage. Why, then, Monseigneur, did you give a 
more favourable answer to Quintana than you told 
me in your letters ? I do not know what to say, 
except that I cannot believe it. But if, in considering 
your honour and profit, you have acted in the spirit 
of the friendship and promises which you have made 



240 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

and executed with this young King [Henry], you may 
rest assured, Monseigneur, unless you give him cause 
to the contrary, that he will help you both with his 
person and his money, without deceit ; for I assure 
you that there is no hypocrisy in him, and, therefore, 
he should be treated in like manner, and the promises 
made should not be broken. 

I know that there are many men who desire nothing 
better than to break this peace with England ; and, 
knowing no other means, invent stories and evil talk 
concerning my honour so that they may make a 
quarrel between us ; but, Monseigneur, be assured 
they are all lying tales, and that I would rather die 
a thousand times, if it were possible, than think such 
things. 

Monseigneur, you can by your good sense and 
prudence set all right, which I hope you will do. 
The rest remains in the hands of God, that all may 
be done according to His good pleasure. 

Monseigneur, once again I am constrained to 
implore you, if you desire to have my full opinion, 
to be so good as to advertise me of your true 
intention, for without that, Monseigneur, you betray 
yourself and me as well. 

Marguerite's defence of her honour is in connexion with 
the stories which were still being circulated relating to her 
behaviour towards Henry's boon companion, Charles Bran- 
don, Viscount Lille, who had just been created Duke of 
Suffolk. Their flirtation during the French campaign had 
led to rumours that she intended to marry him, and also 
that she was now acting more or less as an English agent. 
To what lengths Ferdinand was prepared to go in this 
new alliance with France may be judged by the following 
extract from his instructions, sent about this time to 
Quintana : 

He is to tell the King of France that, without 
adding any special clause to the treaty, the Emperor 
and he (King Ferdinand) are bound to succour France 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 241 

if the King of England attacks him; for the obligation 
to assist him in a defensive war is general. In case, 
however, the King of France should not be satisfied 
with this general obligation of his allies, a separate 
treaty, written on another paper, might be signed, 
according to which the Emperor and he (King Ferdi- 
nand) would bind themselves to do all they can to 
bring about an equitable and durable peace between 
England and France and between England and 
Scotland. If the King of England refuses to accept 
such a peace, and attacks the King of France in his 
realms, the Emperor, he (King Ferdinand), and the 
Prince (Charles) are to succour the King of France 
in the defence of his States. 1 

Ferdinand, having pledged himself, with Maximilian, to 
join forces with Henry in a combined attack on France, 
thus calmly suggests not only that they should desert their 
inexperienced ally, but also, should he embark upon the 
very invasion to which they had all agreed, to assist the 
King of France to beat him back. The Spanish Sovereign 
deceived everybody — himself included — and succeeded in 
persuading Maximilian to join the truce which he renewed 
with France on March 13. For the Emperor, with charac- 
teristic cunning, had not sought his daughter's advice until 
it was too late to act upon it. On April 9 he informed her 
that he had agreed with Ferdinand to the twelve months' 
truce with Louis XII. The Spaniard had won his consent 
by promises of help in his plundering designs against Venice, 
with which he was still at war, and he had soothed his 
conscience with the bare assurance from Quintana that 
Henry would raise no objection. Marguerite expressed her 
surprise at this betrayal in a letter which shows how well 
she had been trained in her father's diplomacy : 

MARGARET TO MAXIMILIAN. 

[" Lettres de Maximilian et de Marguerite," Vol. II., p. 245.] 

[April, 15 1 4.] 

Monseigneur, 

I have received this evening letters of credence 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., pp. 202-3. 
Y.H. R 



242 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

from the Catholic King for his ambassador, who is 
here, and who has shown me letters from the said 
Lord King, his master, written at Madrid on the 
gth of this month, saying that Quintana had, by your 
warrant and command, and by agreement with the 
King of England, made and concluded a truce for 
one year between you, the said Catholic King, the 
King of England, and Monseigneur on the one side, 
and the King of France on the other. . . . Mon- 
seigneur, this is very great news, and much opposed 
to my judgment. I hardly know how the Lord 
King of England will take it, considering the great 
preparations he has made for war. However, I do 
not wish to know more than you are pleased to tell 
me. I believe that you have acted with the best 
intentions, and that you understand these affairs 
better than I do. Wherefore, Monseigneur, I desist 
from saying what I have so often told you before, 
except to assure you that, after yourself, there is no 
one who will be more joyful when your affairs go 
well, or displeased if they are contrary. 

I recently gave you certain little warnings, accord- 
ing to my judgment, concerning these matters, which 
I am anxious should be taken in good part, for you 
will have seen and understood from the said warnings 
that I only did all with the best will, and I pray to 
God, Monseigneur, that everything may go well, and 
that He will grant you a long and happy life. 

This is how the Emperor, who was not easy in his 
wavering mind about making an enemy of so useful a friend 
as Henry, was advised by Ferdinand to explain matters to 
their deserted ally : 

The Emperor can tell the King of England, in 
secret, that he (King Ferdinand) has discovered a 
conspiracy of the Italians to drive them (the Emperor 
and King Ferdinand) out of Italy as soon as war 
with France had begun. In order to prevent the 
Italians from carrying out this plan, he can say, it 






PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 243 

has seemed to him (King Ferdinand) and to the 
Emperor necessary to make a truce with France. 
The Emperor may further represent to the King of 
England that it was incumbent on them first to save 
their (the Emperor's and King Ferdinand's) own 
States, especially as their losses would likewise be 
a loss to the King of England and to his sister, the 
Princess of Castile [Mary Tudor]. Begs, further, 
the Emperor to remind the King of England that 
he (King Ferdinand) and the Emperor had not 
concluded any kind of treaty with France without 
including in it all their allies. The King of France 
has even promised to use his influence in Scotland 
in such a way that the government of that country 
and the peace with England shall be settled to the 
entire satisfaction of the King of England. He has 
further bound himself to pay the King of England 
the same pension which he paid him formerly. 
Thinks it will not be difficult for the Emperor to 
persuade the King of England to ratify the truce with 
France if he offer to marry Prince Charles to his sister, 
and promises to make him King of the Romans. The 
consummation of the marriage of Prince Charles can 
be postponed until his bodily strength is sufficient 
to fulfil the duties of a husband. . . - 1 

But Henry was not so ignorant of the stealthy progress 
of these negotiations as Ferdinand and Maximilian fondly 
imagined. He was attacked by measles — or small-pox, 
English and Venetian authorities differing as to the exact 
nature of the illness — at the beginning of the year, but soon 
recovered, and sent word to Spinelly on February 23 that 
he had heard through three channels of the secret practices 
of his allies. He also informed him that he was ■" making 
preparations for the performance of all promises touching the 
continuance of the war, and the celebration of the marriage 
at Calais, and hopes Margaret will do the same." This was the 
long-arranged marriage between his sister and Prince Charles 

1 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., pp. 219-20. 

R 2 



244 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

of Castile, which Ferdinand meant, if possible, to frustrate. 
The Spaniard was fearful lest this troublesome grandson of 
himself and Maximilian should fall into the hands of someone 
who would prompt him to demand his maternal heritage of 
Castile, and he had already had reason to distrust English 
designs in that direction. Margaret was left to deal with 
Henry's inquiries concerning the wedding as best she could, 
but her continued excuses for the delay became at last 
palpably insincere. When Henry realised the full extent of 
all this double-dealing he was naturally enraged. Stile told 
Peter Martyr at the beginning of March that " Henry was 
very bitter against Ferdinand ; swore he was betrayed ; and 
lamented such an opportunity had been lost for crippling 
the pride of France. He says that Ferdinand had induced 
him to enter on the war, and had urged the Pope to use his 
influence for that purpose ; that he had been at great 
expense ; assisted Maximilian ; had taken Tournay ; and 
had reduced France to extremities ; and now, when his 
enemy is at his feet, Ferdinand talks of peace. He will 
never trust any more." 1 As for Maximilian, he must no 
longer expect Henry to be for ever dipping his hand into 
his pocket to tide him over his financial straits. Henry 
was probably not sorry to have an early opportunity of 
bringing this unpleasant fact home to him through the 
following letter, now translated from the " Lettres de 
Louis XII." : 

HENRY VIII. TO MARGARET OF SAVOY. 
["Lettres de Louis XII.," Vol. IV., p. 320.] 

[Eltham, June 12, 15 14.] 

Very lofty and Excellent Princess, our very dear 
and well-beloved Sister, Cousin, and Gossip, we 
recommend ourselves very affectionately to you. 

We have received your two letters, written by your 
own hand, in which you desire to remind us how we 
agreed to Felinger, the servant of our greatly honoured 
brother and cousin, the Emperor your father, in 
pursuance of a letter w r hich was presented to us from 
him, to lend the Emperor the sum of 30,000 gold 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., pp. 762-3. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 245 

crowns, and this on your bond and that of the 
Treasurer ; saying also that until this time you have 
not pressed us for the 30,000 crowns, but that as 
you have received letters from the Emperor to the 
effect that if you desired his coming into those parts, 
you should send him the said 30,000 gold crowns, 
you are in great need of it, as none of the States, 
except Brabant, have yet granted any money, where- 
fore it is not possible for you to find this money 
promptly unless we are good enough to lend on your 
bond and that of the said Treasurer; and that, in 
accordance with our former willingness, we will use 
extreme diligence to place this sum into his own 
hands, as you hope that his coming into those parts 
will not be delayed. 

Very lofty and excellent Princess, our very dear 
and well-beloved Sister, Cousin, and Gossip, we 
assure you that it would have been very pleasing to 
us to have fulfilled your wish in this matter if all was 
in the same condition as it was when the said Lord 
Emperor first requested the said sum ; but, after the 
sudden departure of the said Emperor from us, we 
vsupposed it would be known, owing to the alterations 
and changes in the affairs between us, as well as 
what has befallen since, that we were not greatly 
inclined to advance the said sum. Save only by the 
very great instance of our Council had we agreed 
that certain sums should be paid into the hands of 
the Treasurer in our City of Tourney, on a day to be 
ordered and set aside for this purpose, out of the 
money which was left in our said City for the main- 
tenance of the garrisons which are stationed there 
and on the adjoining frontiers. This was to be 
repaid within a fixed time, also to be appointed. As the 
loan was not asked for at that time it cannot be paid, 
seeing that the money which was there has now been 
spent, and much more also. Nevertheless, if you and 
the said Emperor, your father, had observed your 
agreements for the payments of such money as he 
promised should be collected and raised in the 



246 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

country on that side to pay the expenses and charges 
of the said garrison, there would have been more 
remaining than there is now, and a little might have 
been advanced on credit, but, as the promise has 
not been observed, nor the said sum asked for or 
requested within the fixed time, no blame or disgrace 
can rightly be imputed to us that we did not advance 
the 30,000 gold crowns at the said time, which 
cannot now be had at the same place, unless we 
wish to leave our said town and garrison unprovided. 
This cannot be, as, with your good and great 
prudence, you will readily understand. And although 
we agreed, with the greatest difficulty, as has been 
said, to give the said Emperor, your father, the said 
sum, nevertheless, as he did not accept this when it 
was offered to him, we are not to blame. 

It may be remembered that when the Emperor 
made a show of offering us the Imperial crown, and 
other offices, and we gave him no reply because we 
were ill, and wished to have the opinion of our 
Council, and to consider so great and important 
a matter, the said Emperor said that he was well 
able to change his mind, telling our ambassador at 
his Court that if he to whom a golden coffer is 
offered cares not to accept it in due time, he might 
lose what was inside ; that he who gives can revoke 
and change his plan, and restrain his kindness and 
liberality at his pleasure. Therefore, and in like 
manner, as we, of our good will and hearty intention, 
even if with some difficulty, showed ourselves pleased 
to offer the loan of the said 30,000 golden crowns, 
should they be needed, so we now, for several and 
many great causes and changes which are taking 
place, hold ourselves also to be as much at our 
liberty touching the said loan as the said Lord 
Emperor in his offer of the said coffer. Accordingly, 
we beg you heartily, very lofty and excellent Princess, 
our very dear and well beloved Sister, Cousin, and 
Gossip, that, in consideration of the very great and 
urgent matters we have in hand, and the expenses 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 247 

to which we are put, you will take this our reply in 
good part, which we hope and are confident you will 
do, as knoweth our Lord. May He have you in His 
holy and blessed keeping, very lofty and excellent 
Princess, our very dear and well beloved Sister, 
Cousin, and Gossip. 

The offer of the Imperial crown by Maximilian referred 
to in Henry's letter was renewed at a later date, when the 
Emperor made the fantastic proposal to march with the 
English King to Rome, invest him with the Empire, and 
crown himself with the papal tiara ! 1 Meantime the existing 
pope, Leo X., anxious to court the conquering hero of 
England, had sent Henry the sword and consecrated cap 
of maintenance : of which the King misunderstood the 
emblematical character to the extent of causing himself to 
be solemnly invested in them, and, notwithstanding their 
size, to walk in procession in them round the entire circuit 
of St. Paul's : 



NICOLO DI FAVRI TO 



[ Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[London, June 15, 1514.] 

. . . On May 19 the Pope's ambassador (sic), the 
Florentine Prothonotary, Dom (Leonardo Spinelli), 
arrived here with the sword and cap of maintenance. 
He was met by sundry lords in most excellent array, 
with some 400 horse. The streets were crowded with 
spectators, eager to behold the ambassador, the 
sword, and the hat. 

These insignia were borne aloft before the Protho- 
notary by one of his attendants, the cap being on the 
point of the sword, which was held upright. The 
weapon was long, with a gilded guard and scabbard, 

1 This was not the only occasion on which Maximilian affected to 
have designs on the Papacy. In 15 12 he told his daughter that he 
had sent the Bishop of Gurk to Rome with a view of becoming himself 
coadjutor to the Pope, and succeeding to the Papacy. He then 
makes the still more astonishing statement that she would have to 
worship him after his death, as he fully intended to be canonized ! 
(" Lettres de Maximilien et de Marguerite," Vol. II., p. 38.) 



248 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

and the cap seemed to be of purple satin, resembling 
in shape the crown of the caps worn by the Albanian 
light cavalry; it was a foot long, with a turned-up 
brim covered with embroidery and pearls, with sundry 
small pendant tails of ermine. 

The King was in London in the Bishop's palace 
adjoining St. Paul's Cathedral, the two buildings 
being separated by a small square, through which, on 
Sunday, May 21, a grand procession moved. The 
Venetian ambassador was invited, and on arriving at 
the Bishop's palace, found the King there, and also 
the nobility in their robes of state. Cordial greeting 
was given to Badoer at the head of the stairs by 
the lords, who were as familiar with him as if he 
had been born an Englishman. When at length the 
King came forth, Badoer presented a letter he had 
just received from the State, but his Majesty said, 
" Let us now go to the holy procession and mass, 
after which we will dine and then confer together " ; 
so the march commenced accordingly. The position 
of the episcopal palace and the cathedral might be 
likened to that of St. Mark's Tower and Church ; and 
on this occasion, either for greater pomp, or to avoid 
contact with the crowd by reason of the plague, his 
Majesty went this distance on horseback, riding a 
most beautiful palfrey, as black as velvet, the nobility 
preceding him in pairs ; the ambassador Badoer, as 
a mark of distinction, coming last of all immediately 
in advance of the King, arm-in-arm with the Lord 
High Admiral (Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey), 
whose father the Lord Treasurer had recently been 
made a duke. 

On arriving at the portal of St. Paul's, the King 
dismounted, and walked to the high altar, where the 
papal envoy stood, with the sword and cap. 
Advancing to meet his Majesty, he exhibited his 
credentials, and then delivered a brief oration in 
praise of him, which being ended, the King made a 
sign to a priest, a doctor [Dr. Tunstall], to reply, as 
he did most excellently on the sudden, returning 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 249 

thanks to the Pope. The King next knelt at the 
high altar, and two noblemen girded him with the 
sword ; and on his head they placed the cap, which 
by reason of its length covered his whole face ; both 
sword and cap being emblematical, for it was not 
intended that he should wear either one or the other. 

The procession then commenced making the entire 
circuit of the interior of the church. It was a fine 
sight to see the King, and the handsome nobility of 
England in most pompous array with their silk gowns 
of various sorts, lined with sables and lynx's fur, and 
egret's down. This last lining was very expensive in 
England. Some of the nobles wore gowns of another 
sort, the material resembling silk, of two colours in 
chequers ; other gowns slashed in their own fashion. 
All bore such massive gold chains that some might 
have served for fetters on a felon's ankles, and 
sufficed for his safe custody, so heavy were they, and 
of such immense value. 

The King wore a gown of purple satin and gold in 
chequers, with gold flowers, and sleeves and a cape, 
and a jewelled collar worth a well full of gold, his cap 
being of purple velvet with two jewelled rosettes, and 
his doublet of gold brocade. After the procession 
high mass commenced, and was performed with great 
pomp and with vocal and instrumental music, which 
lasted till 1 p.m., when the King quitted the church, 
accompanied by all the nobility and by the Venetian 
ambassador, returning to the palace in pairs as they 
came. The whole neighbourhood was crowded with 
spectators, estimated at 30,000, all anxious to see the 
King, the sword, and the cap. 

On his Majesty's return to the episcopal palace 
Badoer was again told to dine with the King ; so he 
remained and met with the same cordial welcome as 
of yore, and such as was always given him personally. 
The Spanish ambassador had also been invited to 
dinner in like manner, and Badoer heard one of the 
grandees say to him, " Ambassador ! dine with us 
here for good fellowship ; " but he declined, and some 



250 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

other nobleman said, " Ambassador ! dine with us; it 
is late." All proved vain, and he departed, out ot 
shame, it was said, for the peace made by the King 
with France. Spain has erred in deceiving so 
powerful a monarch as King Henry, who was his 
Catholic Majesty's good son, but the blame should 
rest, not with the ambassadors, but with their 
masters. . . . 

There was no mistake in Henry's mind as to the men who 
were most to blame in this matter. All this time, with 
Wolsey's subtle help, he was quietly plotting with Louis to 
repay his two arch-betrayers in coinage of their own base 
mintage. Exactly when secret negotiations between England 
and France were opened up is not clear, but there is little 
doubt that private pourparlers were in progress while Henry 
was still ostensibly pressing forward his preparations for war, 
if need be, single-handed ; when " in England," as the 
Venetian, Pasqualigo, wrote to his brother from London on 
April 26, " nothing was talked about but arms and this 
invasion, in which the English take part so willingly that it 
is incredible." 1 Preliminary negotiations were arranged 
between the French and English monarchs by means of 
Louis' captured favourite, the Duke of Longueville, who, 
sent to London as we have already seen, as Henry's most 
distinguished prisoner of war, was released from the Tower 
to enjoy his liberty at Court as he pleased, and employed his 
leisure to far-reaching effect. In spite of these negotiations, 
the naval war continued intermittently throughout the 
winter, without, however, leading to any general action. 
Pregent raided the English coast in March and succeeded in 
burning Brighthelmstone — as Brighton was then called — on 
which Sir John Wallop sailed for the coast of Normandy, 
and destroyed about a score of equally defenceless villages 
and towns. In June, however, Henry VIII. sent word that 
all the captains were to "lie still" and make "no attempt 
nor excursion out of the pale " of Calais. 

Louis was more anxious to square matters with England 
than with either of England's treacherous allies, and 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol, II., p. 166. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 251 

encouraged by his success with these, now played his trump 
card through the Duke of Longueville by offering to marry 
Mary Tudor himself. His queen, Anne of Brittany, had died 
in January, and worn out though he was, for he was old and 
decrepit for his fifty-two years, he placed himself at once in 
the matrimonial market again. Mary was only eighteen, 
and, according to all accounts, the most beautiful princess in 
Europe. Her heart had been lost to the dashing Charles 
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and though naturally reluctant to 
sell herself to a man old enough, in those days of early royal 
marriages, to be her grandfather, there was probably not a 
great deal to choose between Louis XII. and the morose 
young Prince of Castile. Charles, though he had addressed 
her in his letter as voire mart, and sent her his portrait, which 
she pretended to sigh over, was still only fourteen, and so 
sickly and feeble that Maximilian and Ferdinand were never 
without an excuse for postponing the marriage. The situa- 
tion — so far, at least, as it could be seen by one of the 
Emperor and Margaret's ambassadors — is vividly sketched in 
the following letter. Gerard de Pleine was ignorant of the 
exact meaning of the coming and going of French ambassa- 
dors at this time, though obviously his suspicions were 
aroused : 

GERARD DE PLEINE TO MARGARET OF SAVOY. 
[" Lettres de Louis XII.," Vol. IV., p. 335.] 

[London, June 30, 1514.] 

Madame, 

I recommend myself very humbly to your good 
Grace. When I received your letters of the 18th of 
this month regarding the illness of Monseigneur, of 
which it is hoped he will shortly be convalescent, I 
went to the King, in the absence of Lord John Colla, 
who is ill of a catarrh. 

When I told him that I had heard from you of the 
illness of the said Lord, he told me his Ambassadors 
had written to him that the fevers from which 
Monseigneur had been suffering were decreasing, and 
that he would soon be quite well. 

I spoke to him again of the General of Normandy, 



252 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

but I could learn no more than I knew before. He 
began to talk, however, of the treaties which had 
been made by the King of Arragon and the Emperor, 
and complained greatly of the way in which he had 
been treated by them, saying especially that the 
Emperor had refused him the help of his subjects, for 
which he has paid and is still paying. 

In regard to these things, I told him that the 
Emperor, for urgent and necessary reasons, had been 
compelled to listen to the truce, and even to agree to 
it, although we believe he had deferred his consent 
until he should know the King's resolution, and that 
he had always had such confidence in him that what- 
ever had been done would have been agreeable to 
him, even had it been a greater matter ; and as to 
the men of war, it was a fact that the Emperor had 
only delayed giving his reply until he knew whether 
the King would accept the truce or not, for if he will 
accept it, he has only to give his letters of consent. 

Besides which I showed the King that the union 
and friendship between the Emperor and the Catholic 
King, Monseigneur, and himself, could not but be for 
the advantage of all, and that to break it would do 
great dishonour and injury to every one. And 
although the Emperor and the Catholic King had not 
advised King Henry in due time of the truce, it was 
better to make one mistake than two, and since he 
could not, without them, make a joint peace, it 
would be more profitable for him to treat with them 
than alone. 

Madame, he answered me shortly, and said that in 
all things which did not concern his honour he was 
ready to obey the Emperor as a father, but that in 
making the truce without him, when he had been at 
such great expense, and was not without power, 
courage, and wisdom, they had dishonoured him 
before his friends, enemies, and even his own subjects. 

As to the help which was to be given by the 
subjects of the Emperor and Monseigneur, he knew 
more than I did, because his Ambassador, who is 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 253 

with the Emperor, had written that the Emperor had 
told him he could do it, but as to making or not 
making the truce he had answered nothing, save that, 
in conversation, he had said many times that he was 
desirous of doing all that he honourably could for his 
own profit and that of his Kingdom. 

He then began to talk about Monseigneur's 
marriage, and told me of the great preparations he 
had made at Calais, and that all Christendom was 
full of the solemnization, which should have taken 
place there in the month of May. This had not been 
done, and every one was saying — at Rome, in 
France, in Monseigneur's countries, in this Kingdom, 
and elsewhere, that it appeared that it was only 
being delayed in order that it might be broken off, 
and that he knew well how he was treated in 
every thing. 

On this I told him that he ought not to take things 
in that way, because the Emperor, Monseigneur, and 
you desired nothing so much as that the marriage 
should take effect, and by the letters I brought I 
made him aware that the Emperor had no desire for 
delay. As for the preparations at Calais, I told him 
that you both had wished to go there, but that it had 
been found necessary to change the plans and choose 
another place, because of the plague, which prevails 
there, in the month of May or earlier. Finally, I 
entreated him to be willing to interpret all in the best 
spirit, and that he would have regard for the friend- 
ship of the Emperor and Monseigneur, for if he would 
be pleased to consider, he would see that with the 
help of this said friendship none could hurt them, 
and that they would be able to do great things here- 
after. Among other things he spoke to me of the 
arrangement made at Lille, which he said he knew 
had been fruitless, and that those who were named 
in it, and the Count Palatine also, have as much 
credit as if they were at Rome. I excused all these 
matters as well as I could, but he only believes what 
he pleases. 



254 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Madame, I did not wish to write anything to you 
about Madame the Princess [Mary], until I had seen 
her several times. I can assure you that she is one of 
the most beautiful girls that one would wish to see ; 
it does not seem to me that I have ever seen one so 
beautiful. She has a good manner, and her deport- 
ment is perfect in conversation, dancing or anything 
else. She has no melancholy, but is very lively. 
I am sure that if you could see her you would never 
rest until you had her with you. She has been well 
brought up, and it is certain that Monseigneur has 
been spoken of favourably to her, for by her words 
and her manner, as well as by what I have heard 
from those about her, it seems to me that she loves 
Monseigneur marvellously. She has a picture, which 
is a very bad likeness, of him, and there is not a day 
passes in which she does not wish to see him ten 
times over, so I have been told ; and it appears that 
if one wishes to please her, one has only to talk of 
Monseigneur. 

I might add that she has a good figure, is well 
grown, and of medium height, and is a better match 
in age and person for Monseigneur than I had heard 
before seeing her, and better than any other Princess 
whom I know in Christendom. She seems quite 
young, and does not show that in two years she will 
be far enough advanced for Likerke and Fontaine. 1 

My lord of Lincoln [Wolsey] asked me why we 
had broken off the marriage, in regard to which he 
said that Monseigneur, having arrived at the age of 
fourteen, should have sent, within six weeks, his 
procurator to England to marry by proxy, which 
has not been done, and three months have passed. 
I said that this was neither your fault nor that of 
Monseigneur, but on account of the making of these 
truces, and the distance of the Emperor, no one 
knowing how to manage these matters in time. 
I maintained in every way that I was assured, and 
believed firmly, that although no one had been sent 
1 Maid of honour to Margaret. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 255 

within the time mentioned in the first treaty, it was 
not through any ill intention, and that every one 
knew how much you all desired the accomplishment 
of the marriage. 

Another great personage asked me if the King of 
France had had the small-pox. Some, I am told, 
say that the alliance with Monseigneur will be a 
great burden for this Kingdom, and that they may 
be often required to assist and help him in his great 
undertakings. However, it seems to me that those 
who have the greatest influence are well inclined to 
the said marriage. 

Madame, I consider that in this affair the Emperor 
and Monseigneur must give effect to this marriage, 
and that if they do otherwise, they will act against 
their honour and promises. 

The Princess is so well qualified that I have only 
to say again that alike in goodness, beauty, and age 
there is not the like in Christendom. Monseigneur is 
and will be the heir of many great kingdoms and 
seigneuries, in the succession to which this alliance 
will be of great help to him, and there is nothing that 
he could do that would so assure his well-being. . . . 

I am of opinion that what has been left undone 
by the Emperor, you and Monseigneur can do all 
that is possible by sending a great personage with 
Monseigneur's procuration to marry Madame by 
proxy, and to send also the concluded treaty. Instead 
of Escluse or Tenremonde some place nearer Antwerp 
or Malines should be chosen for the solemnization of 
the marriage, according to the Emperor's pleasure. 
This should be done instantly, so as to hasten the 
post to the Emperor, to whom also I have written. 

(It is said here that the Queen is with child, and as 
far as I know and can see, it is so. She is a lady of 
a lively, kind, and gracious disposition, and of quite 
a different complexion and manner from the Queen 
her sister (Joan of Castile). The painter has made 
quite a good likeness of Madame Mary. Madame, I 
pray our Lord that he will accomplish all your desires. 



256 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Your very humble and very obedient subject and 
servant, Gerard de Pleine. 

Catherine's condition raised new hope in the heart of 
both the King and his Consort, for the birth of an heir was 
the one thing needed at this time to remove the only known 
cloud over their domestic peace. Five years had passed 
since their hurried marriage, and no child of theirs had lived. 
This new hope apart, there is little of domestic history to 
record of this period. The State Papers are so full of foreign 
complications that it is no easy task to hew a path through 
them without occasionally losing our way and missing here 
and there an essential landmark. The bent of Wolsey's 
genius was from the first political, and Henry's eagerness for 
international influence caused it to lean to foreign rather 
than to domestic politics. 

Ireland plays an insignificant part in the correspondence 
of the period, though the "Wild Irish " were ever a thorn 
in the side of the more civilized English settlers. Sir Edward 
Poynings, who went as deputy when Henry, in his child- 
hood, was appointed governor of the island by Henry VII., 
assembled a Parliament in 1494, the Parliament of Drogheda, 
which created laws that restricted Irish independence and 
guided the constitutional relations between the sister kingdoms 
for nearly three hundred years. When Henry came to the 
throne the Irishmen had reverted to the old system of 
government in clans, leading for the most part a wandering, 
reckless life, and making the country as uncomfortable as 
they could for the English. There are only two letters in 
this year of 15 14 in the " Calendar of State Papers relating 
to Ireland," both of them written by John Kite, Archbishop 
of Armagh, to Wolsey. He warns Wolsey of the perilous 
state of the English pale, but states that he has assured the 
people that the King will come ere long to reform the State. 
" The King," he adds shortly, " is as much bound to reform 
this land as to maintain good order and justice in England." 

The situation in Scotland is roughly put in the following 
extract from Nicolo di Favri's letter of June 15 of this year. 

Alexander Stuart, Duke of Albany, having been 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 257 

expelled Scotland by his brother James III., with- 
drew to France, where he died, leaving a son, (John 
Stuart, Duke of Albany,) who was then endeavouring, 
under favour of Louis XII., to recover his duchy in 
Scotland. . . . According to report, the Queen widow 
of Scotland had sent to her brother King Henry, 
telling him that blood would never turn to water ; 
that she had a son, the rightful heir of the Scottish 
crown, who was crowned king on the death of his 
father, King Henry's brother-in-law ; and in case the 
Duke of Albany should come to Scotland under 
French protection, she demanded succour from her 
brother, who was expected to grant it, as the supremacy 
of the French in Scotland would be contrary to his 
interests ; the two kingdoms being envious of each 
other, and thus compelled to remain constantly armed ; 
though the Scots are invariably defeated, because the 
English are brave men and experienced soldiers. 1 

^n the same letter Nicolo di Favri describes the blessing 
of Henry's new great ship on the Thames on June 13, when 
" many masses were said on board, including high mass as 
sung for the benediction. . . . The ship was very large, with 
five decks and seven (fortified) tops ; the bronze and iron 
cannon on board, including great and small, exceeding 200 
in number." The Emperor's ambassadors, in describing the 
same event, add that in addition to the King there were 
present the Queen, Princess Mary, the Pope's ambassadors 
and many nobles. The King conducted them through the 
ship, " which has no equal in bulk, and has an incredible 
array of guns." In this letter the ship is credited with 
" seven tiers, one above another." 3 Earlier in the year we 
obtain a glimpse of the King and Queen at Hampton Court, 
in a letter from Giovanni Ratto, who was in the service of 
the Marquis of Mantua. Ratto had been sent with a gift of 
most valuable horses to Henry, including a famous racehorse, 
" the bright bay," for which, it seems, the Marquis had been 
offered its weight in silver. He preferred to make a present of 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 179. 

2 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 828. 

Y.H. S 



258 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

it to the English King. Henry, says Ratto in his account of 
the presentation which he sent to his master — an abstract 
of which is printed in the Venetian Calendar from the 
Mantuan archives — was so much pleased with the gift that 
had the Marquis given him a kingdom, he could not have 
been more delighted; and went from one nobleman to 
another, saying, " What think you of these mares ? They 
were sent to me by my cousin, the Marquis of Mantua " : 

The King was quite astounded at seeing the mares 
in action, and said to the nobleman on the spot that 
he had never beheld better animals. The French 
Duke of Longueville, who was captured at Terouenne, 
was present at the time, and he told the King that 
there were no such valuable mares at the court of 
the King of France. He (Ratto) said to the King 
that if the mares were less good than the King 
deserved, yet he besought him to accept the loving 
service of the Marquis, who had shown all the mares 
to Master Thomas Sieno (sic) the King's servant, 
requesting he would take such as pleased him, to 
gratify the King's taste, but that Master Thomas 
declined doing anything of the sort. Ratto added 
that the Marquis had a stud of Barbary mares, of 
" miche " and of jennets, and of great mares, which 
he offered to the King, together with his territories 
and children, and his own person. Thereupon the 
King desired Ratto to return many thanks to the 
Marquis in his name, enquiring what he could do to 
please him. Ratto replied that the Marquis was the 
King's good servant. 

The Queen was present during this conversation, 
so Ratto put the bright bay through his paces in the 
Spanish fashion, exhibiting the horse to the admira- 
tion of everybody; and the King said to him, " Is 
not this the best horse ? " He was answered in the 
affirmative, and was much gratified ; and approaching 
the horse, patted him, saying, " So ho, my minion." 
After this the King caused Ratto to be asked secretly 
what things would please the Marquis, and he replied 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 259 

nothing but the Kings love ; though his intention 
was evinced of purchasing some hobbies, and three 
couple of staunch hounds. 

P.S. No. 1. — Having put the bright bay through 
his paces, Ratto presented the scimitar to the King, 
who took it in his hands, and asked the nobleman 
present what they thought of it, and took pleasure 
in examining it ; and Ratto told the King that the 
Marquis would fain have made a suitable present, 
but sent the scimitar as a specimen of oriental work- 
manship ; and the King was much pleased. . . } 

Three days later, on June 27, Ratto sent word that the 
King rode his new horses and was delighted with them, 
saying that he had never ridden better-trained animals, and 
that for years he had not received a more agreeable present. 
Henry himself sent an effusive letter of thanks to the 
Marquis, written in Latin, of which the following is a 
translation : 

HENRY VIII. TO THE MARQUIS OF MANTUA. 
[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."] 

[July 16, 1514.] 

Henry, by the grace of God King of England and 
France, and Lord of Ireland, &c, to the excellent 
Lord Prince, Francis Marquis of Mantua, standard- 
bearer of the Holy Roman Empire, our very dear 
friend, greeting. 

We have learnt from our intimate friend, Thomas 
Cene, with what affection, magnificence, and expres- 
sion of singular favour and regard towards us he has 
been entertained by your excellency ; and that your 
very noble stables were thrown open to him, and that 
he was earnestly requested to choose for us what 
horses he most approved of. When he refused to 
avail himself of this generosity, he says your 
excellency's self selected the four most beautiful of 
them all for us, which we have received with your 
letters by your messenger [Giovanni Ratto], a man 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 162. 

S 2 



260 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

most circumspect and careful, and very well versed 
not only in horsemanship, but also in courteous 
behaviour, with which I have been marvellously 
pleased ; and we have read, to our very great delight, 
what you write touching your ardent affection towards 
ourself, and we have heard most gladly what the 
same gentleman, your messenger, has reported to us 
with so much discreetness in your name. And so 
many kind offices of yours towards ourself have at 
once presented themselves to us, that it is not very 
easy to determine for which we should first return 
thanks. But, foremost, we thank you most heartily 
for that your supreme good will towards ourself, 
which we cannot mistake ; and for your exceeding 
desire of deserving well at our hands, as well as 
for those most beautiful, high-bred, and surpassing 
steeds just sent to us. These we hold highly 
welcome and acceptable, as well because they are 
most excellent, as that they have been sent from the 
very best feeling and intention. Moreover, most 
grateful to us has proved that enlarged bounty 
which you have exercised towards the aforesaid our 
intimate friend. And, although we have long ago 
honoured you, in no small degree, for your well- 
proved nobleness of mind, your skill in war, and 
virtues ; now, however, when we discern your 
excellency to be so singularly well affected towards 
us, we receive and number your excellency with your 
most noble children among our dearest friends, and 
we hold all belonging to you in the very highest 
esteem. And we entreat that you, in whatever 
matter (however great it may be) you suppose it to 
be possible for us to be serviceable to your own 
dignity and interest, and that of any of yours, you 
will signify it confidently to us, and we will do our 
endeavour, that you may be convinced of our 
reciprocal good will towards you. And farewell, 
with prosperity and happiness! Henry. 

In the following month Henry sent a handsome gift in 
return. " Your very noble present," he wrote in forwarding 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 261 

it, " and further, the demonstration of your singular affection 
towards us, shall never perish from our memory. That we 
may testify this by some trifling token, we now send by our 
intimate friend and knight Griffith, a gentleman eminently 
beloved by us, bearer of this letter, some horses, saddled 
and harnessed in their full trappings, partly for your 
excellency, partly for your most illustrious consort. And 
we beg you, as well her, to bear in mind that we design the 
said horses not to remunerate you for your present and 
other favours, but by way of return for the goodwill of you 
both towards ourselves ; be pleased to accept them kindly, 
and to use us, and all ours, as a friend." 1 

Apart from amusing himself with his new horses, and 
proudly showing his great ship to the foreign ambassadors, 
Henry had not been idle in the more secret matter of the 
French alliance. He communicated the result of his pre- 
liminary negotiations with the captured Duke of Longueville 
in the following letter to Wolsey, now Bishop of Lincoln, 
as well as Bishop of Tournay, for the King had secured this 
latter post for his indispensable minister during the French 
campaign, though Wolsey never actually obtained possession : 

HENRY VIII. TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Fiddes' " Collection," and Gait's " Life of Wolsey."] 

My Lord of Lincoln, 

I commend me unto you, and let you know that I 
have spoken with the Duke, who in the beginning 
was as ill afraid as ever he was in his life lest no 
good effect should come to pass. Nevertheless, in 
further communing, we went more roundly to our 
matters, insomuch that I said to him : " Seeing that 
the King, your master, hath sought so gently unto 
us, both amity and marriage, I assure you (our 
honour saved) we could be well content to give 
hearkening thereto ; and if the offers were reasonable, 
agree upon those same. But this is not reasonable, 
except the amity should no longer continue than the 
payment of the money ; nor yet so, except there were 

1 Halliwell-Pliillipps ; " Letters of the Kings of England." 



262 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

a reasonable sum of money to be paid in hand by 
and by. If your master will have the marriage I 
cannot see how it can be conveniently, except the 
amity be made during our lives, and one year after, 
to the intent that all suspicion on both sides may be 
set apart. Which marriage and amity your master 
may have under this manner ; that is to say, paying 
yearly one hundred thousand crowns ; and at his 
request I not to stick for ready money in hand, but I 
to stand content therewith, for recompense of all 
things. Which, if your master consider what 
heritance he holdeth from me, and what good my 
amity may do to help forth his matter in Italy, I 
think he will not greatly stick at." 

This furthermore I said to the Duke : " Surely I 
cannot see how the amity made for years can any 
longer endure than the payment, whicl) expired 
would be occasion of new breach and demands, 
whereby neither he nor I should live quietly ; which, 
if there fell alliance, I would be loath to see ; where- 
fore I see no way to eschew all dangers and perils, 
and to recompense me for withholding of my 
inheritance (which, if I would be slack in, my 
subjects would murmur at), but to make this amity 
during our lives, and one year after, paying yearly 
as above rehearsed : which amity once granted, the 
alliance should not be refused, nor no other thing 
which, with my honour saved, I might do." Saying 
furthermore to him, that if I might demand, with my 
honour, any less, or take any less offer (seeing his 
master is so well minded to the aforesaid alliance 
and amity), I would be glad to do that at his 
request ; but less than this it cannot stand with my 
honour, nor will my subjects be content that I 
should take. 

My lord, I showed him furthermore, that if he 
thought we might trust to have this end, I would be 
content that you and they should commune on all 
other articles concerning the amity and marriage, 
till we might have absolute assurance in that behalf 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 263 

for lessening of time. To which he answered, that 
he could not assure me thereof, but that he trusted, 
seeing my demands were so reasonable, that his 
master would agree thereto. On trust hereon we 
will that you begin to pen the residue of the articles 
as soon as you can. And thus fare you well. 
Written with the hand of your loving master, 
Henry R. 



Early in August the hapless victim of this new alliance, 
Mary Tudor, realizing that the marriages of princes and 
princesses must of necessity be affairs of State, rather than 
affairs of the heart, solemnly repudiated her contract with 
the Prince of Castile, and consented to wed the King of 
France instead, extracting the grim promise from her 
brother that if she married this time to please him he 
would suffer her on the next occasion " to marry as me 
liketh for to do," as will be seen in one of her later 
letters. Meantime she proceeded to make the best of a 
doubtful bargain by writing dutiful letters to Louis after 
the signing of the marriage contract in England, which 
took place on August 7 : 

PRINCESS MARY TO LOUIS XII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."} 

{August, 15 14.] 

My lord, 

Humbly, with good grace, I recommend me. 
Because the King, my lord and brother, presently 
sends his ambassadors to you, I have desired, 
ordered, and charged my cousin, the Earl of 
Worcester, to tell you some things from me touching 
the espousals now spoken of between you and me. 
So I beseech you, my lord, to honour and believe him 
as myself; and I assure you, my lord, as I have 
before written and signified to you by my cousin the 
Duke of Longueville, that the thing which I now 
most desire and wish is to hear good news of your 
health and good prosperity, as my cousin the Earl of 
Worcester will tell you more fully. It will please 



264 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

you, moreover, my lord, to use and command me 
according to your good and agreeable pleasure, that 
I may obey and please you, by the help of God ; who 
give you, my lord, good and long life. 

By the hand of your very humble companion, 
Mary. 

Shortly after the signing of the contract the marriage itself 
was celebrated by proxy in Grey Friars' Church, Greenwich, 
in the presence of the King and Queen, Suffolk, and a 
brilliant throng of nobles, ladies of the Court, and a carefully 
selected group of foreign diplomatists. A remarkably 
interesting account of the ceremony, as well as of the 
preliminary incidents, is contained in letters printed from 
the Sanuto Diaries in the Venetian Calendar, written by 
one of the officials attached to the Venetian Embassy in 
London : 

NICOLO DI FAVRI TO FRANCESCO GRADENIGO. 
{Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., pp. 198-201. ] 

. . . the Duke of Longueville, being a prisoner, 
negotiated the peace, which was proclaimed in 
London in a public street on the nth of August 
by two men on horseback ; the King of England, 
France, and Ireland (such being his title), and 
King Louis of France making peace for their own 
lives, and for one year beyond. Neither trumpet 
nor any other instrument was sounded, and but few 
persons heard the proclamation ; neither were bon- 
fires burnt, nor any other demonstration made for 
this peace. 

According to report the King of France had 
again promised the King of England the tribute 
which he usually paid him, and many thousand 
crowns additional ; and at the same time they 
negotiated, and indeed concluded, the marriage of 
King Henry's sister as Queen of France, she having 
been previously promised to the Prince of Castile, 
Duke of Flanders, who had already received a con- 
siderable sum on account of the dower; and great 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 265 

pageants were to have been performed at Calais in 
May. But early on the morning of Sunday, the 13th 
of August, a lord came in his barge in quest of the 
Venetian ambassador, on behalf of the King, that 
he might go to the Court to be present at a wedding ; 
so he went to where his Majesty was, at a place 
called Greenwich, on a fine river, and proceeded 
upstairs, where the other lords were awaiting the 
King in the apartment where the marriage ceremony 
was to be performed. It had the appearance of a 
large chamber, the walls around being covered with 
arras of cloth of gold, surmounted with an embroidered 
frieze with the royal arms. There were many lords 
present clad in cloth of gold, and some in silk, all 
wearing gold chains, who came to meet the ambas- 
sador, saying : " Thou art as welcome as if thou 
wert our father, and of our own blood," for which 
he thanked them much, and they gave him good 
greeting ; and he remained thus talking first with 
one and then with another for three hours, until at 
length the King came, and was immediately followed 
by the Queen, by his sister, the bride, and by a 
number of ladies. The Duke of Longueville, together 
with the two French ambassadors, represented the 
King of France. The Primate, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, delivered a Latin sermon, saying they 
had been brought to that place to celebrate a holy 
marriage, the contracting parties being the sister of 
the King of England and the King of France, whose 
Majesty was represented by the Duke of Longueville. 
The Archbishop having finished his sermon, one of 
the French ambassadors made a speech in the name 
of his King, who, he said, was content and willing 
to take for his wife and Queen the Lady Mary afore- 
said ; and when he had ended his discourse, the 
Duke of Longueville, representing the person of the 
King of France, took her hand and placed the ring 
on her finger. 

Does not know why the two Papal ambassadors 
were not present at this marriage, as they were at 



266 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

the Court, and had been invited ; but before the King 
came into the chamber where the ceremony was 
performed, they were conducted into another place ; 
neither was the Spanish ambassador present. The 
Venetian ambassador remained throughout the whole 
ceremony, and was registered as the first witness of 
this holy marriage. The King then departed, and 
attended high mass, it being nearly midday. He 
was preceded by the lords in pairs, in silk gowns of 
their own fashion, with gold collars as massive as 
chains. There were two dukes of the realm clad in 
cloth of gold, with long gowns. The Venetian 
ambassador was made to walk last, near the King, 
as a mark of honour, and was paired with the 
Archbishop of Canterbury. Next came the King in 
a gown of cloth of gold and ash-coloured satin, in 
chequers, with certain jewelled embroidery in his own 
fashion, and a most costly collar round his neck. 
The Duke of Longueville walked nearly in line with 
the King, wearing a gown of cloth of gold and 
purple satin in chequers, and a most beautiful 
collar. 

After the King came the Queen (who is pregnant) 
clad in ash-coloured satin, with chains and jewels, 
and on her head a cap of cloth of gold, covering the 
ears in Venetian fashion. Beside her was the King's 
sister, the bride, a girl of sixteen, with a petticoat of 
ash-coloured satin, and a gown of purple satin and 
cloth of gold in chequers ; she wore a cap of cloth 
of gold, and chains and jewels like the Queen, and 
was accompanied by many ladies. The mass being 
ended, it was dinner time, and after a grand banquet 
the King and Queen and the ladies returned to the 
apartment where the marriage ceremony had been 
performed, accompanied by many lords, and com- 
menced dancing, the musical instruments being a 
flute, a harp, a "violetta," and a certain small fife, 
which produced a very harmonious effect. The ball 
lasted nearly two hours, the King and the Duke of 
Buckingham and other lords dancing in their doublets ; 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 267 

even the Venetian ambassador felt inclined to throw 
off his gown and follow the example of the King and 
the others, but he abstained by reason of his age. . . . 
When the dancing ceased, refreshments were served, 
and the King and Queen and the ladies thereupon 
departed. Then followed the Archbishop of York, 
Thomas Wolsey, the Duke of Longueville, the two 
French ambassadors, the Venetian ambassador, the 
Lord of St. John's (Sir Thomas Docwra), and the 
noblemen who came to fetch the Venetian ambas- 
sador ; and they adjourned to the house given by the 
King of England to the Duke of Longueville, a good 
bowshot's distance from the palace, but within the 
[park] walls. There the legal instruments were 
signed, and mutually ratified ; after which beverages 
were served. The Venetian ambassador then took 
leave and departed, together with the noblemen 
who fetched him, and with the Lord of St. John's ; 
and they came home in the barge and made good 
cheer. 

On the morrow, Monday, the 14th, the Duke of 
Longueville and one of the French ambassadors 
departed for France, and, according to report, the 
King made the Duke a present of £300 (sic) each 
pound sterling being worth four ducats and a half, 
and he went away with ten horses and a cart. 

Subsequently two ambassadors were appointed to 
France, namely, the Lord of St. John's and the Lord 
Chamberlain (Charles Somerset, Earl of Worcester), 
who quitted London on the 29th of August, and 
according to report, after despatching their business 
in France, they would go to Rome, and possibly to 
Venice. They were very great friends of Andrea 
Badoer's, and men of consequence. It was said the 
King of France had sent a handsome present here to 
his Queen, and that the marriage would be performed 
speedily, for that the King [of England] would send 
her away on the 5th of October, accompanied by 
many noblemen, including the Bishop of Durham, 
who, having done the needful in France, would go 



268 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

to Rome, and meant to see Venice, and was a very 
great friend of the ambassador Badoer. . . . 

It was said that when the Prince of Castile heard 
that his promised bride had been given to the King 
of France, he went immediately into his council 
chamber and said to his councillors, "Well! am I 
to have my wife as you promised me ? " with other 
words to that effect ; whereupon his councillors 
answered him, "You are young, but the King of 
France is the first King in Christendom, and, having 
no wife, it rests with him to take for his queen any 
woman he pleases." And thus did they seek to 
excuse themselves. During this conversation, Duke 
Charles, looking out of a window, saw a man with 
a hawk on his fist, and calling one of his councillors 
who was his chief friend, said to him, " I prithee go 
buy me that hawk." The councillor replied, " I 
know that hawk ; he is a young bird, and does not 
yet know how to quarry ; he is not a bird for your 
Lordship." The Prince again said, " I prithee go 
buy it." The councillor still seeking to excuse him- 
self, the Duke at length exclaimed, " Come with 
me ; " so he bought it himself and put it on his fist. 
Then, having returned into the council chamber and 
seated himself, he commenced plucking the hawk, 
the councillor meanwhile inquiring, " Sir ! what are 
you doing ? " The Duke still continued plucking the 
bird, and when he had done so to his heart's content, 
made answer : " Thou askest me why I plucked this 
hawk ; he is young, you see, and has not yet been 
trained, and because he is young he is held in small 
account, and because he is young he squeaked not 
when I plucked him. Thus have you done by me : I 
am young, you have plucked me at your good pleasure ; 
and because I was young I knew not how to complain ; 
but bear in mind that for the future I shall pluck 
you." He also used other very strong language. 

Had the King of Spain kept his promise to the 
King of England, the latter would never have made 
peace with France ; and the promises of the Emperor 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 269 

were equally false, for he had received many thousands 
of pounds from King Henry, on condition that he was 
to be at Calais in the month of May, with a consider- 
able force in the King's pay ; but the Emperor 
pocketed the money, and never came. His failure 
was the cause of all that took place, for as King 
Henry was deceived in every direction, he thought fit 
therefore to take this other course. . . . 

(There is a curious footnote to this narrative in a letter 
written from Abbeville to the Bishop of Aste on August 18, 
describing the customary method of consummating the 
marriage by proxy : " Last Sunday the marriage was con- 
cluded per verba de prczsenti. The bride undressed and went 
to bed in the presence of many witnesses. The Marquis of 
Rothelin [Longueville] in his doublet, with a pair of red 
hose, but with one leg naked, went into bed, and touched 
the Princess with his naked leg. The marriage was then 
declared consummated. The King of England made great 
rejoicing, and we at Abbeville did the same." 1 

The Anglo-French Sovereigns had more cause for rejoicing 
than the false allies, who had thus been hoist, as it were, by 
their own petard. The prejudice which Ferdinand and 
Maximilian would suffer by such a turn of events was so 
manifest, wrote the Spanish King to his ambassador at the 
Imperial Court, that " a blind man must see it." 2 Later, to 
the same ambassador, he blames the Emperor, through his 
dilatory policy, as the cause of the failure of their own 
negotiations with France. 3 Henry sent an early announce- 
ment of the new alliance to Leo X., who had long been 
mediating peace between England and France, in the pious 
hope of making friends all round : 

HENRY VIII. TO POPE LEO. 
[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."] 

[Greenwich, August 12, 1514.3 

O, Father most blessed, 

After many and various disputes and altercations 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I. 

2 Spanish Calendar, Vol. II., p. 228. 
8 Ibid., p. 239. 



270 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

held, on this side and that, between the ambassadors 
of the most serene King of the French, at our court, 
and our own councillors, we at length, by divine 
favour, and under the guidance, advice, and influence 
of your holiness, have laid down our arms, which we 
had taken up in defence of that holy see, and have 
entered into peace and covenant, by sea and land, 
with the same King of the French, on terms equitable 
and honourable as well to your holiness as to ourself. 
For in this peace and covenant we have comprehended 
your holiness before all, and that holy see, and its 
universal empire, and Bononin, expressly by name. 
We have also included the Holy Empire and the most 
illustrious lord the Prince of Castile, and have given 
them a year to begin, at three months hence, to 
declare their mind and resolution, whether they are 
willing to be in this peace or covenant, or not ; but to 
your holiness we have prescribed no particular day. 
Moreover, we have used all zeal and endeavour, nor 
omitted anything, that we might comprise the Duke 
of Milan also in the same peace and covenant ; but 
that we have been in no way able to effect. However, 
as touching the most serene King of Arragon, since he 
chooses rather to manage his own concerns of himself, 
of him neither of us has made any mention. By the 
said most serene King of the French, the Scots also, 
among other friends, have been comprised, under 
certain conditions, by which we think they will by no 
means abide. 

However, the termination of this peace has been 
fixed in the year after either of us shall have 
departed this life, according to the articles of the said 
peace, which are to be approved and ratified by the 
same King of the French within the next two months, 
and afterwards to be confirmed, within a year, by the 
authority of your holiness (the censures of the church 
being denounced against the infringer) as your 
holiness will understand more fully now also from 
Richard the Lord Bishop of Worcester, our ambas- 
sador with your holiness and the Apostolic See. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 271 

That, however, this peace may be more firm and 
lasting, we have promised to the same King of the 
French in marriage the most illustrious Lady Mary, 
our sister, who has been by him solicited most 
earnestly. This lady, when in her ninth year, had 
been contracted by our father, of most illustrious 
memory, to the aforesaid Prince of Castile, when she 
should have attained her thirteenth year ; and the 
time fixed that, when she should have arrived at her 
fourteenth year, the same most illustrious prince 
should send hither his ambassadors and proxies, who 
might complete the solemn espousals in form, in the 
name of the prince. When this compact had not 
been noticed by the governors or guardians of the 
same most illustrious prince, again, on a late 
occasion, when we were at Lille, we applied ourself 
to this affair, through our ambassador, on the 15th 
day of May last past ; and this also was disregarded 
by the guardians of my lord prince, these having been 
by us often admonished and solicited. Wherefore the 
said most illustrious lady our sister, having held 
consultation with discreet persons, solemnly deter- 
mined, in presence of a public notary and witnesses, 
to rescind and hold null and void whatever had been 
transacted by our father, in her name, with the 
aforesaid guardians of the lord prince : and the match 
having been thus cancelled and broken off, she hath 
been betrothed to the said most serene king of the 
French, and matrimony has just been contracted 
through the proxies of the same king. 

By this band we do not doubt but that there will 
be a more sincere and lasting peace between him and 
ourselves, whereunto your holiness' frequent and most 
earnest exhortations, and the advantage pointed out 
to us by you, not only to the Holy See, but also to 
the whole Christian commonwealth, have mainly 
allured us, with that hope of course that not only our 
arms, but those of all Christians which have raged 
too-too much for mutual slaughter, may at length 
find rest, or be turned against the enemies of the 



272 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Christian name, who with joy and laughter look upon 
us murdering our brethren, and think that the more 
cruel we are to ourselves, the better do we serve, and 
the more effectually fight for them. Therefore, again 
and again we implore your holiness to be most intent 
and urgent in now settling universal peace, which you 
have most piously meditated, and happily begun ; and 
in your divine wisdom, and uttermost prayers, deal 
with other Christian princes as you have done with 
us, and to exert yourself with all vigour in a work so 
glorious, so worthy of your holiness, and so salutary 
to the Christian commonwealth, so that that expe- 
dition against the Infidels, desired by the vows of all, 
and ever by ourself, may be seen in all its glory, from 
the arms and hearts of all Christians being united. 
This we hope to see under your holiness, or under no 
other pontiff. 

In the following month, Maximilian, annoyed at the 
prospect of losing his wealthy ally, sent a verbal protest to 
Henry through an ambassador, who seems, however, to have 
received considerably more home truths than he gave. 
Andrea Badoer describes the incident in one of his letters 
from London at the time : 

The ambassador (he writes) demanded audience of 
the King, and permission to make whatever statement 
he pleased ; which being granted, he said on behalf 
of the Emperor, that the King of England had done 
wrong to break the promise given to his grandson, 
the Archduke of Burgundy, by marrying the Lady 
Mary to the King of France, the Emperor's enemy, 
and that his deserts entitled him to other treatment. 
To this the King replied, that it was not he who had 
failed in his faith, but the Emperor, to whom he had 
disbursed so many thousands of ducats for the raising 
of troops and the prosecution of the war against 
France, but that the Emperor took no heed for the 
observance of his promise, and did nothing at all. 
The King added other words, blaming the Emperor 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 273 

vastly, so that the ambassador took leave and 
departed. The Spanish ambassador, perceiving the 
celebration of the marriage, and the small account in 
which his King was held, had absented himself from 
the Court, and quitted London. . . .* 

Margaret of Savoy was so disconcerted at the new turn of 
events, that she refused at first to believe the news. When 
she realized how true it was she was beside herself with 
vexation, declaring to Henry's ambassador, Sir Richard 
Wingfield, that " the penance was too great for their offence 
towards England." 2 She bitterly reproached Henry with 
breaking his written promise, and threatened to publish that 
promise to the world. Wingfield was instructed by Henry 
to retort in the following manner : 

1. That the King remembers well the promise in 
question, which he fully intended to have kept if the 
other side had not broken their appointment ; 2. That 
the King has a similar promise signed by Margaret 
which has not been observed : and that Henry was 
compelled to make peace independently, as the 
Emperor had not contributed to the support of 
soldiers upon the frontier last winter according to the 
treaty. Margaret knows how she herself commanded 
the horse in Henry's pay to abstain from attacking 
France ; how, notwithstanding the treaty made by 
Arragon to join them in the war, a truce had been 
made with France ; how the appointment of Calais 
for the marriage was violated ; how truce was made 
by the Emperor and Arragon, which Margaret knew 
of three months before she told Henry, as appears by 
the letters delivered to the English ambassadors ; 
and how the arrangement made with Chievers was 
broken off after Henry left Lille ; so that, in fact, the 
accomplishment of the marriage was despaired of. 
Henry, therefore, thinks the publication of the writing 
referred to will not be to the detriment of his honor; 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 197. 
a Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p, 867. 
Y.H. T 



274 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

but if it be published, the King will publish various 
promises made to him by Margaret in secret matters. 
Trusts she will not compel him to this course, seeing 
that he has comprised the Prince and herself in the 
treaty with France. Margaret may be assured that 
but for Henry's regard for the interests of the Prince, 
he would have made such a peace with France as 
would have been extremely dangerous to them. . . .* 

The " secret matters" hinted at by Henry brought the 
Archduchess back to the unfortunate Suffolk affair, the 
" unhappy bruit" of which had led her into serious trouble 
both with her council and her father. The threat was 
evidently effective, for we hear nothing more on the subject 
from poor Margaret. We hear instead of an illness 
succeeding all these disappointments, but whether as a result 
of them we cannot say. Happily she soon recovered. 2 

After the marriage by proxy at Greenwich the royal bride 
and bridegroom corresponded affectionately, but it was not 
until September 14 that Louis went through a similar 
religious ceremony at Paris, with the Earl of Worcester 
acting as Mary's proxy. The French King, fired with 
longing by the portrait of his bride sent over by the Duke 
of Longueville, as well as by his enthusiastic accounts of 
her, now grew impatient, and begged Henry to expedite her 
journey. To Wolsey, in thanking him for his share in the 
new alliance, he wrote in similar strain : 

LOUIS XII. TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Grove's " Life and Times of Cardinal Wolsey."] 

[September, 15 14.] 

My Lord of York, my good Friend, 

I very lately received the letter you sent me, and by 
the contents thereof understand the good and kind 
intentions that you have, not only to bring about a 
good peace and mutual amity between the King, my 
good brother, and cousin, and myself, but also to 
strengthen and increase it, our honours and estates. 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 878. 
a Ibid., p. 944. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 275 

For the which, as affectionately as I can, I give 
you thanks, and I pray you, my Lord of York, and 
my good friend, firmly to believe, that there is no 
alliance in Christendom I hold more dear, than I 
held, and will ever hold, while I live, that of my said 
brother and cousin, hoping through your means, to 
find always in him a corresponding inclination. 

And as to what you write about the passage of the 
Queen, my wife, I give you thanks for the pains that 
you have taken for providing all things that are 
requisite and necessary for her voyage, and the 
extraordinary diligence you have used, and still use, 
as my Lord of Marigny and Johan de Paris have 
written, beseeching you to continue your care with as 
much expedition as you can, because the greatest 
desire I have at present is to see her on this side the 
water, and to meet her. In contributing to which 
without loss of time, as you promised me, you will do 
me a singular pleasure, and such as I shall always 
remember, and think myself obliged to you for. 

And as to your having detained the said Lord 
Marigny and Johan de Paris, to assist you in setting 
out all things a la mode de France^ you have done me 
much pleasure therein, and I have written by these 
presents to them, that not only in this they should 
obey you, but also in all other things you shall 
command, with the same respect as if they were 
about my person. 

And as to the pleasure which you inform me, by 
your said letters, my wife takes in hearing good news 
from me, and that the thing which she daily desires is 
to see me, and be in my company, I desire you, my 
Lord of York, and good friend, to inform her from 
me, and make her sensible, that my desires and 
wishes are the same, and in every respect like hers ; 
and, because it is not possible that I should see her 
so soon as I could wish, I entreat her that, as often 
as may be, I may hear from her, and I promise the 
like on my side. 

Moreover, in respect to the very affectionate and 

t 2 



276 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

cordial assurances that you have given my brother 
and cousin on my part, and those which you in his 
name have given me, I return you my thanks with all 
my heart, and entreat you to say as much to him ; 
and also, that you will be pleased to let me know if 
there be anything in my realm that would please him, 
and I will spare no pains to procure it for him. 

To conclude, I have seen what you have written to 
my cousin, the Duke of Longueville, and I have 
ordered him to send you such an answer as you see I 
desire you will give credit thereto, and let me hear 
from you as often as possible, and thereby you will 
do me the greatest pleasure imaginable. Praying 
God to have you, my Lord of York, my good friend, 
in his keeping, I am, Louis. 

It was about this time that Mary wrote the letter which 
follows, now translated from the French text as printed 
by Ellis: 

MARY TUDOR TO LOUIS XII. OF FRANCE. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

My lord, 

Very humbly to your good Grace I recommend myself. 
My lord, I have, by the Bishop of Lincoln, received 
the very affectionate letters which it has pleased you 
to write to me lately, which have given me much joy 
and comfort : assuring you, my lord, that there is 
nothing I desire so much as to see you. And the 
King is using all diligence for my journey across 
the sea, which, may it please God, will be brief. 
Beseeching you, my lord, to be willing for my very 
great consolation to make known your news to me, 
together with your good pleasure, so that I may 
always obey and please you. May our Creator grant 
you long life and prosperity. From the hand of 
Your very humble Consort, Mary. 

Meantime a sinister tragedy had occurred at Rome in the 
poisoning of Cardinal Bainbridge, Archbishop of York, by a 
priest in his service named Renaldo de Modena. In the 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 277 

long letters on the subject sent to Henry VIII. by the late 
Cardinal's secretaries, Richard Pace and William Burbank, 
it is stated how Renaldo, when placed on the rack, confessed 
that "he put poison into my Lord's pottage at the desire 
and conduction thereunto of the Bishop of Worcester," 
Silvestro Gigli. Afterwards, before committing suicide to 
escape further torture, he exculpated the Bishop, and then 
accused him again. Nothing shows more clearly the way in 
which the highest offices of the Church were distributed in 
those days than the fact that both the Archbishop of York 
and the Bishop of Worcester were ambassadors living 
habitually at Rome. Gigli, who was an Italian, and had 
acted as resident ambassador at Rome for Henry VII., was 
also Wolsey's confidential agent there, and was known to be 
cordially detested by Bainbridge. Earlier in the summer 
the Cardinal had complained to Henry VIII. of what he 
regarded as the ill-deeds of his foreign rival, " who is named 
here universally the False Orator of England," and was 
reported to have said : " Let these barbarous people of 
France and England every one kill other ; what should we 
care therefore, so we have their money to make merry 
withal here." 1 In one of his letters after the assassination 
Richard Pace declared to Burbank, then in Florence, 
" that many great men hath offered to kill the said Bishop 
of Worcester for this act : and that all Rome be inflamed 
against him for the same, both spiritual and temporal." In 
an earlier letter Burbank wrote to Henry, repeating other 
news that Pace had sent him: "Some there be that hath 
noised in Rome how that the poison was sent from 
England by some prelate there, being enemy unto my said 
late Lord, and procured the same to be ministered unto him 
by his cook. Whereupon sundry men hath inquired the 
same both of my said fellow [Pace] and me, whereunto we 
answered that our master had no such enemies in England, 
nor that Prelates of England and English born were ever 
disposed unto any such acts." 2 To Henry himself Pace 
sent the following account of the charge against the Bishop 
of Worcester : 

1 Ellis's " Original Letters," Second Series, Vol. I. 

2 Ibid., p. 105. 



278 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

RICHARD PACE TO HENRY VIII. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Rome, September 25, 15 14.] 

With most humble and lowly commendation unto 
your Grace. In consideration of the great rumour 
that is now continually here for the miserable death 
of my late lord Cardinal, I thought it very necessary 
to certify your Highness in what case the matter 
standeth. After the Priest that poisoned my late 
lord had killed himself for his detestable deed, it was 
necessary that all the whole matter should be com- 
mitted to the Law and Justice, for the punishment of 
such as were accused as authors of the said poisoning, 
viz., the Bishop of Worcester and one of his chamber- 
lains. And so ever since the said priest's death, 
process hath been made, according to the law, against 
them both, and it is concluded by all doctors and 
learned men that the first confession made by the 
said priest, must be believed and no other. Where- 
fore it is also determined by the judges in this cause, 
that the said Bishop should not only be put in prison, 
but also suffer torments, and be compelled to show 
the truth. And he had been put in prison before this if 
I would have consented thereunto: but in no case I 
would condescend thereto, having respect unto him as 
your Grace's Orator; and willing to have knowledge of 
your said Grace's mind and pleasure before that I do 
agree to any such thing ; though that the Law doth 
exclude all manner of dignities in this case. Notwith- 
standing this my demeanour, the said Bishop doth 
imagine, both in word and deed, the worst he can 
against me ; presupposing surely to have your Grace's 
favour in this cause, and by that to avoid all things 
now imputed unto him. Wherefore I must most 
humbly desire and pray your Highness to show your 
favours equally in this cause, according to Justice. 
And thus doing, your Grace shall most reasonably 
resolve us both. For if the Bishop can by justice 
purge himself from this crime, he shall save his 
honour ; and my poor honesty shall be seen in like 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 279 

manner evidently to all men : and it shall appear that 
I intend nothing but to show myself one true and 
faithful servant to my Master dead, as I was unto 
him being in life: for if I, after the said Priest's 
evident confession, had not used all diligence to 
search out all such as were privy to the poisoning ot 
my said late Lord, every man might reasonably have 
thought that I had condescended unto the same and 
been consentient with the said Bishop thereunto ; 
whereby I should have been put to great rebuke 
without fault. 

One thing doth aggrieve me right sore, that the 
said Bishop doth yet infame my late lord's being 
dead in false and untrue things, wherein is neither 
honest nor good Christianity, as it is manifest by 
the holy precepts of our faith : and nothing but 
reason, honesty, perfect love, and fidelity to your 
Grace, my Prince, and my natural country, doth 
move me to be sorry for this unnatural death. For 
though my late lord had, I cannot deny, some vices ; 
I do take God to my judge he was the most faith- 
ful man to your Grace, his Prince, that ever was 
born, and most vehement in the defence of your 
Grace's causes, when none other man durst open 
his mouth to speak, save he alone ; though I well 
know both your Grace and other of my lords of your 
most honourable council hath had true relation of 
him from hence by such that neither intended good 
to your Highness nor them ; but used crafty manners 
for their own exaltation and private profit : and 
those that were aiders and supporters here of such 
iniquity doth now right well know that my said 
lord was one faithful man, and be very sorry that 
they did not use in their most arduous matters faith 
and counsel. 

It shall please your Grace to understand that the 
said Bishop of Worcester's labours and mine be very 
different in the controversy depending betwixt him 
and me ; for he doth seek nothing but favours, and 
procureth the same by effusion of many and large 



280 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

promises. I do desire nothing but equity and justice. 
Whereby it doth appear that I do nothing against 
him, but that both honesty and the law doth require ; 
and his deeds against me to proceed only of malice, 
which to use against me he hath no cause : for I 
have ever loved him until now of late, when he was 
openly accused of my late lord and master's death ; 
and also it was openly noised and seen by certain 
signs that he neither was true nor loving to your 
Grace and Realm, but rather procured your enemies' 
honour and profit. And such men cannot be loved 
of any conscience : for the holy law doth not only 
excommunicate, interdict, curse, and ban men of 
such demeanour, but also commands the ruin and 
destruction of all their progeny ; as knoweth Almighty 
God, who preserve your Grace's most royal and 
noble estate in long health and continual prosperity. 
Your Grace's most humble and faithful servant and 
subject, Richard Pace. 

The Bishop of Worcester was taken into custody, but was 
found not guilty, and absolved by the Pope. The assassin, 
he told Wolsey in one of his confidential letters, " was always 
a madman, and though a priest, never performed any but 
servile offices in the Chamber. . . . When asked why he had 
accused Worcester, he said he had done so to save himself, 
because he was a thief, and had stolen money and papers 
from his master." Later the Bishop promised to send Wolsey 
a bull declaring his innocence, and announced that he had 
forgiven Pace as desired. 1 To Wolsey the death of Cardinal 
Bainbridge was not without its obvious advantages, for it 
opened the way not only to the Archbishopric of York, which 
Henry at once obtained for him, but also to the more coveted 
Cardinalate, though he had to wait for this until the follow- 
ing year, in spite of Henry's earnest solicitation on behalf of 
his favourite. " His merits are such," said the King to Leo X. 
on August 12, " that I esteem him above my dearest friends, 
and can do nothing of the least importance without him." 2 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., pp. 868-892. 

2 Ibid., Vol. I. 



PLOT AND COUNTER PLOT 281 

In the following month Wolsey, congratulating the Bishop 
of Worcester upon his " honourable acquittal in the slander 
of great malice " laid to his charge, also put in a timely word 
for himself to the following effect : 

. . . And if by your politic handling the Pope can 
be induced shortly to make me a cardinal ye shall 
singularly content and please the King ; for I cannot 
express how desirous the King is to have me advanced 
to the said honor, to the intent that not only men 
might thereby perceive how much the Pope favoureth 
the King and such as he entirely loveth, but also that 
thereby I shall be the more able to do his grace 
service. 1 

But the Pope wanted to be sure ot England's good will 
before thrusting this additional honour upon the new Arch- 
bishop, who had thus to rest content with being preferred, in 
less than twelve months, to three different sees, and enriched 
by the revenues of each. 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I„ p. 893. 



CHAPTER VII 

HENRY AND HIS SISTERS (1514 — 1515) 

Mary's Departure for France — Her Stormy Crossing — How Louis XII. 
Received Her — State Entry into Abbeville — Wedding Festivities 
— Mary's English Attendants Dismissed — Her Grief Assuaged 
by Precious Stones — Suffolk Received by the French King — 
Worcester's Interview with Louis — Proposals to Drive 
Ferdinand from Navarre and Castile — Affairs in Scotland — 
Margaret Marries Angus — Arran Heads Revolt — Duke of 
Albany's Call to Scotland — English Achievements in the 
Paris Jousts — Margaret Appeals to her Brother — Risk of 
French Interference in Scotland — Henry's Disappointed Hopes 
of an Heir — First Rumours of Divorce — Peter Martyr's Un- 
corroborated Story — Spanish Ambassador and Queen Catherine 
— He Begs Ferdinand to put a Bridle on Henry — Death of 
Louis XII. 

All this time elaborate preparations were in progress for 
the journey of the new Queen of France to her impatient 
spouse. It was not until September 19 that the bride set out 
for Dover, accompanied by Henry and Catherine — the Queen, 
upon whose interesting condition the hopes of England were 
centred, being borne slowly to the coast in a litter — the 
Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and a brilliant cavalcade 
of French and English nobles, ladies and attendants. The 
scene is depicted in a letter by a Venetian merchant in 
London, written to his brothers at home : 

LORENZO PASQUALIGO TO HIS BROTHERS. 
[Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[London, September 23, 15 14.] 

. . . Entertainments, banquets, and jousts are being 
held for the departure of the Queen, who left for 
Dover four days ago, accompanied by four of the 
chief lords of England, namely, the Treasurer, the 
Lord Chamberlain, the Chancellor and Lord Stanley 
[Edward Stanley, Lord Mounteagle], besides 400 
knights and barons, and 200 gentlemen and other 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 283 

squires, with their horses. The lords, knights, and 
barons were all accompanied by their wives, attended 
by their damsels. There would be about 1,000 
palfreys, and 100 women's carriages. There are so 
many gowns of wove gold and with gold grounds, 
housings for the palfreys and horses of the same 
materials, and chains and jewels, that they are worth 
a vast amount of treasure ; and some of the noblemen 
in this company, to do themselves honour, had spent 
as much as 200,000 crowns each. Many of the 
merchants purposed going to Dover to see this fine 
sight, and about a week ago all the merchants of 
every nation went to the court. The Queen [of 
France] desired to see them all, and gave her hand to 
each of them. She wore a gown in the French 
fashion, of wove gold, very costly. She is very 
beautiful, and has not her match in all England, is 
a young woman 16 years old, tall, fair, and of a light 
complexion, with a colour, and most affable and 
graceful. On her neck was a jewelled diamond, as 
large and as broad as a full-sized finger, with a pear- 
shaped pearl beneath it, the size of a pigeon's egg 7 
which jewel had been sent her as a present by the 
King of France, and the jewellers of " the Row," 
whom the King desired to value it, estimated its worth 
at 60,000 crowns. It was marvellous that the exist- 
ence of this diamond and pearl should never have 
been known ; it was believed they had belonged to 
the late King of France, or to the Duke of Brittany, 
the father of the late Queen. 

According to the report of the courtiers, the Queen 
was to cross over to Boulogne, and the King of 
France would come as far as Abbeville, it was said, 
to meet her, and there consummate his marriage with 
this " nymph from heaven," her beauty and affability 
warranting the expression. On bidding farewell to 
the merchants, she made them all many offers, speak- 
ing a few words in French, and delighting everybody. 
The whole court now speaks both French and English, 
as in the time of the late King. . . . 



284 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

One of the maids of honour of Queen Mary of France was 
Mary Boleyn, elder sister of Catherine's successor as Queen 
Consort of England, and herself destined to become Henry's 
mistress before Anne succeeded her in Henry's illicit affections. 
Anne at this time was only about seven years old. It was 
not until October 2 that weather and other circumstances 
permitted Mary to bid farewell to her brother and sister-in- 
law, who committed her to the temporary care of the Duke 
of Norfolk, and returned with their Court to London. Mary's 
voyage to France nearly led to the wrecking of all the royal 
plans, for a gale sprang up an hour after the sailing of the 
fleet, scattering the ships in all directions, and sending one of 
them, The Great Elizabeth, to the bottom, with the loss 
of 400 out of the whole gallant company of 500 men. 
Mary's own ship succeeded in running ashore near the 
entrance to Boulogne harbour, when Sir Christopher Garneys, 
one of the King's ambassadors to Louis XII., dashed through 
the breakers and carried the drenched and frightened bride 
in safety to the French shore. 

Louis, on his side, was ardently awaiting her coming, and 
vowing to her proxy, Charles, Earl of Worcester, all manner 
of good things on her behalf, as well as loyalty to her 
brother : 

THE EARL OF WORCESTER TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," Second Series, Vol. I.] 

[Abbeville, October 3, 15 14.] 

. . . My Lord, I assure you he [Louis] hath a 
marvellous mind to content and please the Queen, 
and since he heard of her landing, which was this 
morning, there is nothing can displease him ; and he 
is devising new collars and goodly gear for her. 
There was in his chamber but my Lord of Paris, 
Robertet, and the General, and I, where he showed 
me the goodliest and the richest sight of jewels that 
ever I saw. I would never have believed it if I had 
not seen it ; for I assure you all that ever I have seen 
is not to compare to fifty-five great pieces that I saw 
of diamonds and rubies, and seven of the greatest 
pearls that I have seen, besides a great number of 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 285 

other goodly diamonds, rubies, and great pearls. The 
worst of the second sort of stones be priced and cost 
two thousand ducats. Of the principal stones there 
hath been refused for one of them one hundred 
thousand ducats. And when he had showed me all, 
he said that all should be for his wife. And another 
coffer also was there that was full of goodly girdles, 
collars, chains, bracelets, beads of gold, and other 
divers goodly jewels : but merrily laughing he said, 
" My Wife shall not have all at once, but at divers 
times ;" for he would have many, and at divers times, 
kisses, and thanks for them. I assure you he thinketh 
every hour a day till he seeth her ; he is never well 
but when he heareth speaking of her. I make no 
doubt but she shall have a good life with him, with 
the grace of God. . . . 

A few days were needed by Mary to recover from the 
shock of the gale, and to prepare for the final stage of the 
journey ; but at length the procession was re-formed at 
Boulogne, arriving on the 8th at Abbeville, where Louis had 
arranged to meet his bride. " To prove his vigour," accord- 
ing to one correspondent, the King paid her a sporting visit 
before the state entry into the city ; and certainly his 
conduct on this occasion had little in it of the elderly 
invalid he was supposed to be. " The King," says the same 
writer, " rode a very beautiful Spanish horse, caparisoned 
with cloth of gold and black satin, in chequers ; he himself 
being clad in a short riding dress of cloth of gold on crimson. 
He found a great multitude of horsemen and others who 
had come to witness this interview between the parties, and 
went up very boldly to the Queen as if they had been on 
intimate terms, and having first kissed his own hand to her, 
he then threw his arm round her neck, and kissed her as 
kindly as if he had been five and twenty. . . ." * Two other 
letters tell the story of the entry into Abbeville and the 
marriage on the following day. Both letters are anonymous 
and are printed in the Venetian Calendar from the Sanuto 
Diaries : 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 207. 



286 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

THE ENTRY INTO ABBEVILLE. 
[Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[October 8, 15 14.] 

. . . On this day, Sunday, at 4 p.m., the most 
Christian Queen made her entry, in very great state 
and triumph. She dismounted at a distance of two 
leagues from Abbeville, for the purpose of putting 
herself in order, and Monseigneur (the Duke of 
Angouleme), and all the gentlemen and grandees of 
France remained there to allow time for making the 
announcement to the King. This took place early 
this morning. Later in the day Monseigneur was 
joined by the two Cardinals of Bayeux and Auch, and 
many bishops, together with the ambassadors of the 
Pope, of the Venetians, and of the Florentines ; and 
the King went to meet them on the road, making it 
appear that he was going out hawking with his 
falcons ; and, presenting himself to the Queen, 
implied that the meeting was accidental. He then 
kissed her, and afterwards embraced all the English 
princes and barons who accompanied her ; where- 
upon, on pretence of proceeding on his way, he 
returned home by another road long before the Queen 
made her entry, which took place thus : 

First went a good number of the archers, musketeers, 
and arbalast men of the town, all in their livery of 
yellow and red ; next the " Pr^vot de l'Hotel," with 
his archers; then the 400 archers of the guard, with 
their captains ; then the Grand Seneschal of Nor- 
mandy with the gentlemen ; then the clergy with 
their relics ; after whom came the English lords and 
gentlemen, some 80 in number, including the princes 
and grandees, who might amount to as many as 25, 
in gallant trim, of various sorts ; and many in gold 
brocade. Then followed the Scots of the guard, 
surrounding the Queen, who was under the canopy 
borne by the chief persons of Abbeville, her Majesty 
having in her hand a sceptre of white wood ; and all 
around, under the canopy, were her running footmen 
in bicoloured doublets of gold brocade and black 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 287 

velvet. In advance of the Queen were the ambas- 
sadors from the Pope and the Venetians. The 
Queen was very magnificently dressed, both her 
gown and head-gear being of the English fashion, 
and very costly, both in jewels and goldsmiths' work. 
Her gown was of gold brocade with a white ground. 
Near her, for her person, a litter was carried, covered 
with stiff gold brocade, the caparisons of the two 
horses which bore it being all of wrought gold, the 
pages who rode them being clad in gold brocade, 
embroidered with gold lilies in relief; and then came 
another palfrey for her person, very superbly 
caparisoned, besides the one which she rode under 
the canopy. Next followed 12 ladies; the wives, 
sisters, and daughters of the lords, princes, and 
grandees who had accompanied her, all most richly 
arrayed in the English fashion, in cloth of gold ; and 
after them came some 40 other damsels, well and 
sumptuously adorned in the English fashion. Three 
carriages, which the Queen brought from England, 
followed ; they were handsome and contained ladies. 
The coverings were of gold brocade and crimson 
velvet, with a border of lilies in relief ; the caparisons 
of the horses corresponding. Then came the archers 
and " Gianitari" of her guard, in number 150, in 
good order. 

The Queen dismounted at a house a few paces 
distant from the King's. According to report, the 
marriage will not be consummated until Tuesday next, 
and then on Thursday or Friday the King will 
depart for Paris. The Queen is said to be from 17 
to 18 years old, of handsome presence, not stout, has 
a beautiful face, and is cheerful. 



THE WEDDING CEREMONY. 
[Venetian Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[Abbeville, October 9, 15 14.] 

If the pomp of the most Christian Queen was great 
yesterday at her entry, this morning, the gth, it was 



288 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

yet greater at her wedding, which took place at nine 
o'clock in the King's house in the large hall. 

The Queen quitted her own lodging, distant a 
stone's throw from the King's, at seven o'clock, 
and through a large garden reached the King's 
house, accompanied by the English lords, princes, 
and gentlemen, with large gold chains and jewels in 
their bonnets, many being clad in gold brocade, and 
all handsome men. Talbot and a Duke side by side 
accompanied the Queen, they being preceded by 
heralds of arms, trumpeters, and innumerable 
musicians of various sorts. Then came the English 
princesses and noble ladies, in number 24, wearing 
in like manner many jewels on their heads, and 
garments of gold brocade, so that never was such 
pomp witnessed. The Queen was dressed in a gown 
of stiff gold brocade, her head-gear being in the 
English fashion, and she wore jewels of very great 
price. 

From the garden gate to the door of the hall, all 
the gentlemen of the guard were ranged in line, axe 
in hand. Within the hall was the King, attended 
by Monseigneur d'Angouleme and the French princes. 
He was seated on a handsome chair near the altar, 
where the mass was to be celebrated ; and on the 
Queen's arrival she was placed on another handsome 
chair beside him. Immediately on her being seated 
the King kissed her ; whereupon the words (sic) were 
uttered by a kinsman of the King of England ; and 
Monseigneur d'Angouleme, Monseigneur d'Alencon, 
Vendome, and Guise, the brother of Lorraine, held 
over them the canopy, which was most costly. 

This being done, mass was sung by the Cardinal 
de Bayeux, and on its conclusion, when the cere- 
monies were ended, the King withdrew to his own 
chamber, and the Queen to hers, they being near 
each other ; and at the dinner she was waited on 
by all the officials of the King's household and by 
the Lord Steward. 

Yesterday, when the Queen dismounted at her 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 289 

lodging, " Madame," the King's daughter, went to 
pay her her respects, and was received with the 
utmost courtesy and honour, and very lovingly. In 
truth the pomp of the English was as grand and 
as costly as words can express ; and the princes and 
nobles of France, and the ladies likewise, vied with 
them, for the whole of the French court sparkles with 
jewels, gold, and brocades. 

At this hour, 1 p.m., the Queen, " Madame," and 
all the princesses are in the hall where the marriage 
ceremony was performed, dancing with these English 
and French princes and lords. The marriage will 
be consummated in the coming night. . . 

Another long letter in the same collection confirms and 
adds to the narrative, completing the story of this eventful 
day with the closing scenes in the royal palace : " After the 
dinner they commenced dancing until evening. The most 
Christian King and the Queen dressed in French costume, 
and they gave a ball, the whole court banqueting, dancing, 
and making good cheer ; and thus at the eighth hour, before 
midnight, the Queen was taken away from the entertainment 
by * Madame ' to go and sleep with the King. The next 
morning, the 10th, the King seemed very jovial and gay, and 
in love, to judge by his countenance." * 

Louis had a strange way of showing his love at times, 
for on this very day, the 10th, he deprived his bride of 
nearly the whole of her English suite, including her old 
governess, Lady Guildford, or Mother Guildford, as she 
was familiarly called. Perhaps the gout which returned 
this day had something to do with it, but, in any case, 
nothing that Mary could do could make him change his 
mind. Her grief is shown in her letters on the subject both to 
her brother and Wolsey. Here is her pitiful letter to Henry : 

MARY QUEEN OF FRANCE TO HENRY VIII. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters/' First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Abbeville, October 12, 15 14.] 

My good Brother, as heartily as I can I recommend 
me unto your Grace, marvelling much that I never 
1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II. ? p. 211. 

y.h. y 



2 9 o THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

heard from you since departing, so often as I have 
sent and written to you. And now am I left post 
alone in effect ; for on the morn next after the 
marriage my chamberlain with all other men servants 
were discharged, and in likewise my mother Guldeford 
[Lady Guildford] with my other women and maidens, 
except such as never had experience, or knowledge how 
to advertise or give me counsel in any time of need, 
which is to be feared more shortly than your Grace 
thought at the time of my departing, as my mother 
Guldeford can more plainly show your Grace than I 
can write ; to whom I beseech you to give credence. 
And if it may be by any means possible, I humbly 
require you to cause my said mother Guldeford to 
repair hither once again. For else, if any chance hap 
other than weal, I shall not know where nor of whom 
to ask any good counsel to your pleasure, nor yet to 
my own profit. I marvel much that my Lord of 
Norfolk would at all times so lightly grant everything 
at their requests here. I am well assured that when 
ye know the truth of everything as my mother 
Guldeford can show you, ye would full little have 
thought I should have been thus entreated : that 
would God my Lord of York had come with me in 
the room of Norfolk : for then am I sure I should 
have been left much more at my heart's ease than 
I am now. And thus I bid your Grace farewell . . . 
and more heart's ease than I have now. Abbeville 
the 12th day of October. 

. . . Give greetings to my mother Guldeford. By 
your loving sister, Mary Queen of France. 

To Wolsey she wrote in similar terms, adding : " I had as 
lief lose the winning I shall have in France to lose her 
counsel when I shall lack it ; which is not like long to be 
required, as I am sure the noblemen and gentlemen can show 
you more than becometh me to write in this matter." * The 
Duke of Suffolk heard the news on his way to the jousts in 
Paris, and wrote to Wolsey, attributing the dismissal of 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 900. 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 291 

Mary's servants to the Duke of Norfolk and his son the Earl 
of Surrey, " because they were of Wolsey's choosing and not 
theirs." 1 Norfolk and the old English nobility were jealous 
of Wolsey's growing power, and cordially disliked the French 
alliance. Both Henry and Wolsey interceded with the King 
on behalf of Mary and Lady Guildford, but Louis remained 
obdurate, and seems, indeed, to have succeeded in buying 
Mary's cheerful acquiescence with his lavish gifts of precious 
stones. These included, as the Earl of Worcester and 
Dr. West informed the King of England, the " marvellous 
great pointed diamond, with a ruby almost two inches long, 
without foil, which was esteemed by some men at ten 
thousand marks," presented to her on her wedding day ; on 
the following day " a ruby two inches and a-half long, and as 
big as a man's finger, hanging by two chains of gold at every 
end, without any foil; the value thereof few men could 
esteem"; on the next day, "the King gave the Queen a 
great diamond, a tablet, with a great round pearl hanging by 
it ; and every day he gave her also rings with stones of great 
estimation." 2 Louis, we learn from the same letter, " maketh 
appearance as if he would depart every day, but yet lieth 
here, still ever excusing himself of his gout." By the 25th, 
however, the court had reached Beauvais on its leisurely 
progress to Paris, for it was at Beauvais that the Duke of 
Suffolk and the Marquis of Dorset caught up with the royal 
party. By Louis' request Suffolk was at once conducted to 
the royal lodging, where, as he tells Henry in his account of 
the interview, he found the French King lying in bed, with 
the Queen sitting by his bedside : 

. .. ... " And so I did me reverence and kneeled down 

by his bedside ; and so he embraced me in his arms, 
and held me a good while, and said that I was heartily 
welcome, and asked me, ' How does my especial good 
brother, whom I am so much bounden to love above 
all the world ? ' To which Suffolk replied, that the 
King his master recommended himself to his entirely 
beloved brother, and thanked him for the great 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 908. 

2 Ellis's Original Letters, Second Series, Vol. I, 

U 2 



292 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

honor and (love) that he showed to the Queen his 
sister. The French King answered, that he knew 
the nobleness and truth so much in Suffolk's master 
that he reckoned he had of him the greatest jewel 
ever one prince had of another. Assures Henry that 
never Queen behaved herself more wisely and honor- 
ably, and so say all the noblemen in France ; and 
no man ever set his mind more upon a woman on 
account of her loving manner. 1 

It is as well to hear Louis' own version of the Lady 
Guildford incident. This is now provided by the Earl of 
Worcester, to whom Wolsey had written on the subject : 

THE EARL OF WORCESTER TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," Second Series, Vol. I.] 

[Saint Denis, November 6, 15 14.] 

. . . My good Lord, as touching the return of my 
Lady Guildford, I have done to my power and in the 
best way that I could to the French King ; and he 
hath answered me that his wife and he be in good 
and perfect love as ever any two creatures can be, 
and both of age to rule themselves, and not to have 
servants that should look to rule him or her. If his 
wife need counsel or to be ruled, he is able to do it ; 
but he was sure it was never the Queen's mind nor 
desire to have her again, for as soon as she came on 
land, and also when he was married, she began to 
take upon her, not only to rule the Queen, but also 
that she should not come to him but she should be 
with her ; nor that any Lady or Lord should speak 
with her but she should hear it ; and began to set a 
murmur and bandying among ladies of the Court. 
And then he sware that there was never man that 
better loved his wife than he did, but ere he would 
have such a woman about her, he had liefer be 
without her ; and he said that he knew well when the 
King, his good and loving brother, knew this his 
answer, he would be contented ; for in no wise 
would he have her about his wife. Also he said that 
1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 911, 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 293 

he is a sickly body, and not, at all times that he 
would be merry with his wife, to have any strange 
woman with her, but one that he is well acquainted 
withal, afore whom he durst be merry ; and that he is 
sure the Queen, his wife, is content withal, for he 
hath set about her neither lady nor gentlewoman to 
be with her for her masters, but her servants, and to 
obey her commandments. Upon which answer, 
seeing he in no wise would have her, I answered him 
again so that he was content, and so I make no 
doubt but the King's Grace would be, for the answer 
was well debated ere I gave it, as his Grace and you 
shall know at my coming, which I trust shall be 
shortly. . . . 

My good Lord, the King here hath desired me to 
write that he heartily desires you, in his name, to 
desire his good brother and cousin, if God send him a 
son, that he may be godfather as he was last ; for in 
so doing he shall do him a right great pleasure. 
And he will send a good and honorable personage to 
be there against the Queen's deliverance, to represent 
his person, and to do the act in his name ; also the 
said person shall have authority to speak, commune, 
and conclude for their meeting, and of other secret 
matters. And of this he desires you that he may be 
ascertained of his good brother's mind and pleasure 
by your writing ; for as soon as he hath answer he 
will dispatch his said ambassador. 

My Lord, the French Queen told me that she loved 
my Lady Guildford well, but she is content that she 
come not, for she is in that case that she may well be 
without her, for she may do what she will. I pray 
God that so it may ever continue to his pleasure, 
whom I pray to have you, mine especial good Lord, 
in his blessed keeping. Written at Saint Denis the 
sixth day of November. 

Assuredly yours to my power, C. Worcester. 

The secret matters mentioned by Worcester had reference 
to a dark plot which Wolsey and the King were planning 



294 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

with Louis in order fully to punish Ferdinand for his perfidy. 
Their proposals amounted to nothing less than a combined 
attack by England and France upon the Spanish Sovereign 
in order to drive him out of Navarre, and also to demand on 
behalf of Catherine half of Castile, Henry insisting that this 
kingdom should be divided equally between Isabella's two 
daughters, his consort, and her unhappy sister Juana. 
Secret "conversations" on the subject were in progress 
during the marriage festivities, and the journey of Suffolk 
and Dorset were not entirely connected with the jousts 
which were ostensibly now taking them to Paris. Suffolk 
complains on November 3 that his letters have been opened, 
letters, he tells Wolsey, " which he would should not have 
been seen, which the King knows well " ; but the nature of 
these mysterious negotiations does not seem to have leaked 
out. In the same letter Suffolk announces the delivery of 
his secret letter to Louis, when " the chamber was well rid," 
but says nothing of its contents, though he adds that, " as 
far as I can perceive, all things go well, and to our master's 
honor." * Louis himself, however, discloses the purport of 
the English proposals in his reply, in which also he thanks 
Henry for sending so important a personage as the Duke of 
Suffolk : 

. . . Louis professes to deal frankly with him, and 
gives him his answer on the two following propositions : 
(1.) How far he will assist England in expelling the 
King of Arragon from Navarre, considering that he 
has broken his engagements with Henry and Louis. 
(2.) That as the kingdom of Castile, by right, should 
descend to sisters, and the King of England claims 
one part, how far Louis will assist him in claiming 
his rights. — With regard to the question of right, 
Louis can give no certain answer, because he does 
not know the laws of the kingdom of Spain ; but 
without entering upon this he is willing to join the 
King in prosecuting his claims and expelling 
Ferdinand from Navarre, and will raise an army with 
him for that purpose. But without disclosing their 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 916. 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 295 

intentions each King is to hear the ambassadors of 
Arragon. England and France shall communicate 
by their ambassadors upon this matter without 
concealment on either side. No arrangement shall 
be made without mutual consent. In return Suffolk 
is to explain to the King of England the history of 
the claim of Louis to the duchy of Milan, of which a 
brief is given ; is to request the aid of England in its 
recovery, and a loan for one year of 200,000 crowns 
on good security. He hopes the enterprise will be 
ready by the month of March. . . } 

The negotiations proceeded so well that Louis promised 
to support Wolsey in his claim to the cardinalate, and pre- 
liminary plans were made for a meeeting between Henry and 
the French King to take place early in the following spring. 2 
The affairs of Scotland were also discussed with no less a 
person than the Duke of Albany, who, after Queen Margaret's 
children, was next heir to the Scottish throne, Margaret, in 
virtue of her husband's will, had assumed the regency after 
the disaster of Flodden Field as guardian to her infant son, 
James V., but had alienated most of her nobles, and sorely 
displeased her brother of England, by marrying again without 
seeking the advice either of her own council or Henry VIII. 
Ten months had barely elapsed since the death of James IV., 
and less than three since the birth of her posthumous son 
Alexander. Her new husband, Archibald Douglas, Earl of 
Angus, was one of the handsomest and youngest nobles of 
her council, and as full of ambition as empty of those rarer 
qualities essential to the exalted position to which Margaret's 
marriage raised him. This match, which had taken place in 
August, and Margaret's subsequent actions in depriving the 
Archbishop of Glasgow of the Chancellor's seals for opposing 
the wedding, as well as in rewarding the members of the 
house of Douglas with as many high offices as lay in her 
power, met with violent opposition. The revolt was headed 
by the Earl of Arran, who, with his party, now looked to the 
Duke of Albany to restore something like order out of the 
prevailing chaos : 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII. , Vol. I., p. 938. 

2 Ibid., p. 921. 



296 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," Second Series, Vol. I.] 

[Paris, November 18, 1514.] 

Mine own good Lord, I recommend me unto you ; 
and so it is that I have received your letter written 
at Greenwich on All Souls' Day, the second day of 
November, whereby I perceive that the King's Grace 
was well contented with my writing. My Lord, this 
letter shall be to advertise you of all such things as I 
can know since my last writing, the which was the 
third day of November. My Lord, so it is, that on 
the Sunday after the writing of my last letter, the 
Queen was crowned right honourably ; and at after- 
noon we and the French King's Council went together, 
and determined according as we wrote unto the King's 
Grace in a letter. 

My Lord, since the writing of that letter, the Duke 
of Albany came to my lodging, and said that he was 
come to speak with me, and that it was the King, his 
master's mind that he should break with me of a 
matter ; and I said that I would be content to hear 
what the King, his master's pleasure was by him, or 
by any other body ; and so, upon that, he began, and 
said that the King's mind was that he should go into 
Scotland, and that he trusted that his going should 
do good, for he intended to reduce them of Scotland 
to be contented to take such a peace as should be for 
the King, my master's honour, and for the surety of 
his children ; and because that there should be no 
vsuspicion, he had married, and he would leave his 
wife in France, and also he would come by the King, 
my master, and would return as soon as he might 
possibly, for he must go over the Mountains ; with 
many other words. And so when I heard him all 
that he would say, I showed unto him that I had no 
commission to meddle of such matters ; and then he 
said that the French King would speak with me in 
the matter ; and I said that as his Grace did, I would 
make his Grace such an answer that his Grace 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 297 

should be content : and so, since, I heard no more 
of the matter. Howbeit, my Lord Chamberlain and 
Doctor West showed me, that the French King's 
Council had been in hand with them upon the going 
of the said Duke ; and, upon that, we and they took 
a conclusion to advertise the King thereof in all haste ; 
and if it were that the French King would be in hand 
with me, I should do all that is in me possible to 
hinder his going ; and I ensure you I will do so, for I 
promise you he intendeth not well, as far as I can 
perceive. 

My Lord, as touching the other business secret, I 
will go in hand therewith in all the haste I can ; 
because I would come away, praying you that I have 
no more business to keep me ; for I ensure you I have 
many things to show the King that I will not write. 
My Lord, three days before my Lord Chamberlain 
went, the Queen showed to me and to my Lord 
Marquis divers things, the which we will show you at 
our coming ; whereby we perceive that she had need 
of some good friends about the King. So we called 
my Lord Chamberlain, my Lord of St. John's, and 
Doctor West, and showed them part of the matter ; 
and we showed unto them that we thought it best that 
we should send for my Lord Longueville, the Bishop 
of St. Paul's, Robertet, and the General of Normandy, 
and showed unto them that the Queen had sent for 
us and desired us that we would send for them, and 
desire them on her behalf, and in the name of the 
King, our master, that they would be good and loving 
to her ; and that they would give her counsel from 
time to time how she might best order herself to con- 
tent the King, whereof she was most desirous ; and in 
her should lack no good will. And because she 
knew well they were the men that the King loved 
and trusted, and knew best his mind, therefore she 
was utterly determined to love them and trust them, 
and to be ordered by their counsel in all causes, for 
she knew well that those that the King loved must 
love her best, and she them : and so we did. And 



298 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

when we had showed them all this on the Queen's 
behalf, they were very well contented, and said that 
they would make report unto the King what honour- 
able and loving request she had made, the which they 
said would content him very well. And they thanked 
her Grace for her good mind toward them, and said 
that they would do in everything her request, and to 
accept and take her as their Sovereign Queen, and to 
counsel her on every behalf to the best of their powers 
to do the thing that should please the King, their 
master. Of which matters they have promised us to 
assure unto her Grace whensoever it shall be her 
pleasure ; and within these two days our intention is 
to bring them unto the Queen's Grace according to 
our communication and appointment. 

My Lord, at the writing of this letter the Jousts 
were done, and, blessed be God, all our Englishmen 
sped well, as I am sure ye shall hear by other. And 
thus I commit you to the Holy Ghost, who ever 
preserve you. Your assured, Charles Suffolk. 

The Marquis of Dorset is less sparing of details when he 
describes the part which these worthy Englishmen played in 
the Paris tournaments : 

" My Lord of Suffolk and I," he writes to Wolsey 
on November 22, " ran three days and lost nothing. 
One Frenchman was slain at the tilt and divers 
horses." On Saturday the 18th, ll the tournay and 
course in the field began as roughly as ever I saw ; 
for there were divers times both horse and man over- 
thrown, horses slain, and one Frenchman hurt that 
he is not like to live. My Lord of Suffolk and I ran 
the first day thereat, but put our ayds thereto, because 
there was no nobleman to be put unto us, but poor 
men of arms, and Scots many of them, were hurt on 
both sides, but no great hurt, and of our Englishmen 
none overthrown nor greatly hurt but a little of their 
hands. The Dauphin himself was a little hurt on 
his hand." On Tuesday the 21st the fighting on foot 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 299 

began, li to the which they brought an Almayn 
(German) that never came into the field before, and 
put him to my Lord of Suffolk to have put us to 
shame, but advantage they gat none of us, but rather 
the contrary. I forbear to write more of our chances, 
because I am party therein. I ende(d) without any 
manner hurt ; my Lord of Suffolk is a little hurt in 
his hand. . . . The Queen told us that the King had 
told her they ' did shame all France, and that they 
should carry the prize into England. ' " 1 

Mary, who, according to Dorset, " increases in the favour 
of her husband," was apparently content with being an old 
man's darling, to judge from the letter which she wrote this 
month to her brother : 

MARY QUEEN OF FRANCE TO KING HENRY VIII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

[Paris, November 15, 15 14.] 

My most kind and loving brother, 

I recommend me unto your grace as heartily as I 
can, and I thank your grace for your kind letters, and 
for your good counsel, the which I trust to our Lord 
God I shall follow every day more and more. How 
lovingly the king my husband dealeth with me, the 
lord chamberlain, with other of your ambassadors, 
can clearly inform your grace, whom I beseech your 
grace heartily to thank for their great labours and 
pains that they have taken as here for me ; for I trust 
they have made a substantial and a perfect end. As 
touching my almoner, I thank your grace for him. Of 
his demeanour here your grace shall be informed 
better than I can write ; as knoweth our Lord Jesu, 
who preserve your grace. Amen. 

Having — for the time being, at all events — so satisfactorily 
settled the matrimonial affairs of his favourite sister, Henry 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., and Grove's " Life and Times of 
Wolsey." 



300 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

was now appealed to by his elder sister of Scotland, who 
had withdrawn from Edinburgh, after an ineffectual con- 
ference with her council, to her dower castle of Stirling. 
Henry had promised her support, not altogether sorry, 
perhaps, for so good an excuse to interfere in Scottish 
affairs. He had declined to follow up the victory of 
Flodden Field by the complete conquest of Scotland, on 
the grounds, apparently, that the kingdom now virtually 
belonged to his sister, and that the infant King was his 
own nephew; but he claimed the title of " Protector of 
Scotland," and had no wish to see the government of that 
country in the hands of the Duke of Albany — a prince who 
was a Frenchman by predilection, as well as by birth, and 
known to be in the inner confidence of the French King. 
Henry was glad to ally himself with Louis in order to 
punish Ferdinand and Maximilian, but he was not prepared 
to run any risks of French interference in Scotland : 

MARGARET OF SCOTLAND TO HENRY VIII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

[Stirling, November 23, 15 14.] 

Regina. 
Right high and mighty prince and dearest brother, 

I commend me to you with all mine heart. I have 
received your loving and comfortable writings from a 
man of the lord Dacre's, the 22d day of November, 
wherein I perceive your fraternal love and kindness. 
I and my party were in great trouble of mind, till we 
knew what help you would do to us. I have shown 
the said writings to all my lords which were with me 
in my castle of Stirling the said day, whereof they 
were greatly comforted. My party-adversary con- 
tinues in their malice and proceeds in their parliament, 
usurping the King's authority, as I and my lords were 
of no reputation, reputing us as rebels ; wherefore I 
beseech you that you would make haste with your 
army, both by sea and land, and in especial on the 
chamberlain [John, Lord Fleming], which is post of 
this conspiration, for within this se'nnight he took an 
escheat of a bastardry, to the value in ready money 




Emery Walker, Photo 
MARGARET TUDOR, QUEEN OF SCOTLAND 
From the painting in the National Portrait Gallery 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 301 

often thousand pounds, of usual course of Scotland, 
to his own use, as (though) he had the whole authority. 
On that other side the prior of Saint Andrew's [John 
Hepburn], with the power of my contrary party, has 
laid siege to the castle of Saint Andrew's, which I 
would that your navy would revenge ; for it stands 
on the sea-side fore-against Berwick by north. I 
have sent my husband to break the siege, if he may, 
this 23d day. I am at great expenses — -every day 
a thousand in wages, and my money is near hand 
wasted ; if you send not the sooner other succours of 
men or money, I shall be super-expended, which were 
to my dishonour : for I can get no answer of my rents, 
as I showed you before. 

All the hope that my party adversary hath is in the 
Duke of Albany's coming, which I beseech you to let 
in any wise ; for if he happen to come before your 
army, I doubt that some of my party will incline to 
him for dread. I shall keep this castle with my 
children till I hear from you. There is some of the 
lords that dread that your army shall do them scathe, 
and that their lands shall be destroyed with the fury 
of the army : wherefore I would that you wrote to 
them that their lands nor goods shall not be hurt, 
and, if so be, that they shall be recompensed double 
and treble. The King, my son, and his brother, 
prospers well, and are right lifelike children ; thanked 
be Almighty God. 

It is told me that the Lord's adversaries are pur- 
posed to siege me in this castle. I would, therefore, 
that the chamberlain were holden waking in the 
meantime with the borderers. I trow that I shall 
defend me well enough from the others till the coming 
of the army. I pray you to give credence to master 
Adam Williamson in other things as it is written to 
him, and thank him for his good service, and the peril 
that he was in for my sake in the ship that was 
broken, with other three ships that I have word since 
that, departing of Scotland afore his ship, with a 
message to the Duke of Albany, wherein was Lion 



302 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

the herald, with other messages direct from these 
lords adversaries, with letters sealed with the great 
seal, which seal they keep masterfully from me and 
my lords, and use it as they were kings. I trust that 
God is on my party, which letted their message, and 
furthered mine. I have given Saint Andrew's to the 
apostolate of Arbroath, my husband's uncle, 1 where- 
fore I would that you letted all other competitors that 
labour the contrary in Rome, and that you would 
direct to the Pope's holiness upon the same with the 
next that you send, and that you would direct writings 
to me each month, at the least, how you will do, and 
what you would that I did ; and if my party-adversary 
counterfeit any letters in my name, or if they compel 
me to write to you for concord, the subscription shall 
be but thus — Margaret R. and no more, and trust 
that such writing is not my will. 

Brother, all the welfare of me and my children 
lies in your hands, which I pray Jesus to help and 
keep eternally to his pleasure. Your loving sister, 
Margaret R. 

To the right high and mighty prince and our 
dearest brother, the King of England. 

Henry and Catherine had their own troubles at this time. 
The prince for whom Louis had asked to stand sponsor, 
arrived only to add another to their list of grievous dis- 
appointments. Both Holinshed and Stow record his birth 
in November, but there is no mention of the fact in any of 
the English official documents. Probably the baby was still- 
born — a fresh tragedy which could hardly fail, in those 
superstitious days, to set men's minds wondering if God 
had, indeed, cast a blight upon the King's marriage for the 
" sin " of marrying his brother's widow. 

As early as August of this year, it was reported in Rome, 
on the strength of letters received from France, that " the 
King of England meant to repudiate his present wife because 
he is unable to have children by her, and intends to marry a 
daughter of the French Duke of Bourbon. ... He will 

1 Gavin Douglas. John Hepburn, the late prior, was supported 
by the opposing party. 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 303 

annul his own marriage, and will obtain what he wants from 
the Pope," as Louis XII. did, when he divorced Jeanne of 
France and obtained from Pope Alexander VI. the necessary 
dispensation to marry Anne of Brittany. 1 But there is no 
confirmation of this rumour, and as Henry did not begin his 
divorce proceedings with the Pope for another twelve years, 
it must be read with the same caution as Peter Martyr's 
letter, written a few months later in Spain to Ludovicus 
Furtado, in which he stated : " The Queen of England has 
given birth to a premature child, through grief it is said for 
the misunderstanding between her father and her husband. 
He has reproached her with her father's ill-faith." 2 How 
could Peter Martyr, as Mr. Brewer says in his introduction 
to the first volume of his Calendar, " living at that time at 
Valladolid, come to the knowledge of this story ? More 
probably it was a malicious report with no other foundation 
than the ill-humour of the Spanish court, never favourable 
to Henry, and now more than ever exasperated at his 
alliance with France." Had there been any truth in the 
story there would probably be some reference to it, at least in 
the letters of the Spanish representatives in London. The 
humiliated Luis Caroz only complained that Catherine did 
nothing to further her father's interests : 

LUIS CAROZ TO THE PROVINCIAL OF ARRAGON. 

[Spanish Calendar, Vol. II.] 

[December 6, 15 14.] 

The Queen has the best intentions, but there is no 
one to show her how she may become serviceable to 
her father. The principal fault rests with her con- 
fessor, Friar Diego Fernandez, 3 who has told her 
that she ought to forget Spain, and everything 

1 Venetian Calendar, Vol. II., p. 188. 

2 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., p. 952. 

3 It was in the following year that the confessor, as stated on 
p. 132, was convicted of fornication and deprived of his post in the 
Queen's household. There is in the Spanish archives an undated 
letter from the friar to Henry VIII. , begging permission to return, 
and reminding his Majesty that he had it in his power to divulge 
the secrets of his house and government. It bears no sign, however, 
that it was ever delivered. The text is printed in the Supplement 
to Vols. I. and II. of the Spanish Calendar, pp. 44-46. 



304 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Spanish, in order to gain the love of the King of 
England and of the English. She has become so 
much accustomed to this idea that she will not 
change her behaviour, unless some person who is 
near her tells her in every case what she ought to 
do in order to be useful to the King her father. The 
few Spaniards who are still in her household prefer 
to be friends of the English, and neglect their duties 
as subjects of the King of Spain. The worst influence 
on the Queen is exercised by Dona Maria de Salinas, 
whom she loves more than any other mortal. Dona 
Maria has a relation of the name of Juan Adursa, 
who is a merchant in Flanders, and a friend of 
Juan Manuel. He hopes through the protection of 
Juan Manuel to be made treasurer of the Prince of 
Castile. By means of Juan Adursa and Dona Maria 
de Salinas, Juan Manuel is able to dictate to the 
Queen of England how she must behave. The con- 
sequence is that he can never make use, in his 
negotiations, of the influence which the Queen has 
in England, nor can he obtain through her the 
smallest advantage in any other respect. . . . 

The King of England behaves in the most offensive 
and discourteous manner whenever his affairs (King 
Ferdinand's) are treated. Is persuaded that, if God 
does not change the mind of the King of England, 
he will really carry out what he intends, viz., to do as 
much harm to him (King Ferdinand) as he can. 

If King Ferdinand does not " put a bridle on this 
colt," and permits him to continue his bad behaviour, 
it will afterwards be found impossible to control him. 
Begs King Ferdinand to watch the King of England 
very closely, and to decide upon some vigorous 
measures against him, telling him that they are the 
consequence of his bad behaviour towards him. It is 
probable that the King might thus become sensible of 
the wrong he has done, and if not, his councillors 
would make him listen to reason, for they do not like 
to be at enmity, or to go to war, with any prince 
whatever. . . . 



HENRY AND HIS SISTERS 305 

Nothing illustrates the changed relations at this period 
between England and Spain on the one hand, and England 
and France on the other, than the contrast between the 
letter of the Spanish ambassador, just printed, and that 
which follows from the French King to his new ally, written 
only three days before his own death. It is here translated 
from the French original as printed in Ellis's collection : 

LOUIS XII. TO HENRY VIII. 

[Ellis's " Original Letters," Second Series, Vol. I.] 

[Paris, December 28, 15 14.] 

My good Brother, Cousin, and Comrade, with all 
my heart 1 commend myself unto you very affection- 
ately. I have by this bearer, your Officer of Arms, 
received the letters written by you to me on the 
ninth of this month, and have heard by the said 
bearer of the joy you had in hearing from my Cousin, 
the Duke of Suffolk, of my news, and the content 
which I have in the Queen, my wife, your good sister, 
who has so conducted herself towards me, and 
continues so to do daily, that I know not how I can 
sufficiently praise and express my delight in her. 
More and more I love, honour and hold her dear ; 
therefore you may be certain that she is, and ever 
will continue to be, treated in such a manner as shall 
content her, and you likewise. 

And as touching the reception and good cheer 
which my Cousin of Suffolk has told you I have made 
him, there is no need, my good Brother, Cousin, and 
Comrade, to give me thanks ; for I beseech you to 
believe that besides what I know of the place he holds 
about you and the love you bear him, his virtues, 
honesty, and good qualities merit that he should be 
honoured and received as much for what he is, as for 
your own honour ; so I have made him the best 
cheer that was in my power. 

Howbeit as touching the secret matters which my 
Cousin of Suffolk has spoken to me, and on which I 
have made such reply as he has declared to you by 
my ambassadors whom I have dispatched and sent to 

Y.H. X 



306 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

you, you have little more to hear ; therefore I entreat 
you very affectionately after you have heard them to 
take resolution thereon, and to advertise me of the 
same as early as it be possible, that I may dispose 
and order myself accordingly in following what you 
command me in your said letters. I will keep things 
in suspense without taking any conclusion thereon, 
advising you that in good or evil fortune I will live 
with you, and not only preserve the good friendship 
and alliance which is made and sworn betwixt us, but 
keep the said inviolably, watching rather to augment 
and increase than to diminish it, and hoping that you, 
on your part, will do likewise. Praying God, my 
good Brother, Cousin, and Comrade, that He may 
have you in His holy keeping. 

Your loyal Brother, Cousin, and good Comrade, 
Louis. 

With this letter — the last apparently that the King was 
destined to write to his new brother-in-law — the year and 
the chapter may fitly close. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE SECRET MARRIAGE (1515) 

A New Situation — Wolsey's Masterful Manner — His Advice to the 
Widowed Mary — Her Perilous Position in Paris — She Reminds 
Henry of his •' Waterside Promise " — Suffolk sent with new 
Embassy to Paris — His Pledge before leaving — Henry and the 
Crisis in Scotland — Suitors for Mary's Hand — Suffolk's Recep- 
tion by Francis — Mystery of his Marriage — Suffolk's Confession 
to Wolsey — Wolsey's Reply — Mary takes Blame upon Herself — 
Struggle for her Dowry, Plate and Jewels — Suffolk's Mission a 
Failure — New Treaty between England and France — Second 
Marriage of Mary and Suffolk in Paris — The " Mirror of Naples " 
— Return of the Culprits — Suffolk's Last Appeal — Reconcilia- 
tion with Henry — Publicly Married at Greenwich — The Marriage 
Settlement — Sebastian Giustinian's Journey to London — His 
Interview with Francis I. — Pen Portraits of the King — Royal 
May Day at Shooter's Hill — Catherine and the King. 

With the dawn of the new year came the dissipation of all 
the hopes which Henry and Wolsey had founded on the 
French alliance. The death of Louis XII., three days after 
writing his last glowing account of his bride, created a new 
European situation, bristling with difficulties, by means of 
which Wolsey's enemies among the old English nobility now 
hoped to bring about the downfall of the favourite who was 
always overruling them in the councils of the King. That 
Wolsey realised the strength of his position is shown in a 
characteristic letter written at this period to Dr. Sampson, 
his Vicar-General at Tournay, who had pointed out the 
troubles of his office, and his fears that the French bishop- 
elect of the same see might succeed in revoking Wolsey's 
appointment. " Ye need have no fear thereof," replied 
Wolsey ; " the Pope would not offend me for one thousand 
such as the elect is, nor there is any such thing spoken of nor 
intended — I would not have you to muse so much on the 
moon, but to go straightly and wisely to your matters, and 
not be moved with every wind and frivolous report." As for 
the rents which Sampson suggested should remain in the 

x 2 



308 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

hands of the tenants till the dispute was settled, that, 
declared Wolsey, would be prejudicial to his right, so he 
desired him immediately to set about levying what was due 
now " at this holy time of Christmas " ; and if he met with 
opposition to execute the sentence. He hoped that Sampson 
would attend to Wolsey's interest in future better than he 
had done hitherto ; otherwise Wolsey would be compelled to 
have recourse to other means ; " for that which you have 
hitherto thought for the best is clearly turned for the worst." * 
The dispute over the bishopric, it may be added, dragged on 
until 1518, when Wolsey surrendered his claims for a pension 
of 12,000 livres. 

Wolsey had need of all his resources for the more delicate 

situation created by the death of Lous XII., but it is evident 

that he was not unprepared for that event. Louis was 

known to be in a critical state when Suffolk returned towards 

the end of the year — leaving Mary possibly already counting 

the days before she would be free to marry him, the man of 

her own choice. As queen of France she seems to have 

done her duty by her doting husband, whose pitiful efforts to 

renew his youth had undoubtedly hastened his end. Men 

were worn out long before they were sixty in the rough and 

tumble of those stormy days. As soon as Wolsey heard of 

the King's condition, " and that in likelihood he is by this 

time departed to the mercy of God," he offered Mary his 

consolation and advice. He assured her that Henry would 

not forsake her ; and begged her, for Wolsey's old services 

on her behalf, to do nothing without the advice of his grace, 

however she should be persuaded to the contrary. Above all, 

she was to let nothing pass her mouth " whereby any person 

in these parts may have you at any advantage. And if any 

motions of marriage or other offers fortune to be made unto 

you, in no wise give hearing to them. And thus doing ye 

shall not fail to have the King fast and loving to you, to 

attain to your desire, and come home again into England 

with as much honor as queen ever had. And for my part, to 

the effusion of my blood and sending of my goods, I shall 

never forsake nor leave you." 2 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. I., pp. 948-9. 

2 Ibid., Vol. II., Part I., pp. 4-5. 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 309 

Mary, her short reign over as the only English princess 
who ever became Queen-consort of France, stood sadly in 
need of a helping hand until such time as she could safely 
return to England. It has been said that the young King, 
Francis I., had already, as Count of Angouleme and Duke 
of Valois, cast licentious eyes on his new and attractive 
mother-in-law, who was still not yet out of her 'teens, and 
several years his junior. His wife, it should be added, was 
the Princess Claude, daughter of his uncle, Louis XII., by 
his first wife, Anne of Brittany. Now that Mary had become 
La Reine Blanche — as the widowed queens of France were 
called, when, according to custom, they retired to the 
Cluny Palace, and, donning a loose white robe de chambre, 
remained there to mourn for six weeks in a darkened 
room — he had exceptional facilities for becoming, as Mary 
subsequently confided to Wolsey, " importunate with her in 
divers matters not to her honor." l There is no hint of this, 
however, in the brave little letter which she wrote in answer 
to Wolsey's words of advice : 

MARY QUEEN-DOWAGER OF FRANCE TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Ellis's " Original Letters," First Series, Vol. I.] 

[Paris, January 10, 15 15.] 

My own good Lord, I recommend me to you and 
thank you for your kind and loving letter, desiring 
you of your good countenance and good lessons that 
you hath given to me, for to remember me to the 
King, my brother, for such causes and business as I 
have for to do ; for as now I have none other to put 
my trust in but the King, my brother, and you. And 
as it shall please the King, my brother, and is 
Council I will be ordered. And so I pray you, my 
lord, to show his Grace, seeing that the King, my 
husband, is departed to God, of whose soul God 
pardon. And whereas you advise me that I should 
make no promise, My Lord, I trust the King, my 
brother and you will not reckon in me such child- 
hood. I trust I have so ordered myself since I came 
hither, that I trust it hath been to the honour of the 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., p. 47. 



310 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

King, my brother, and me, and so I trust to continue. 
If there be any thing that I may do for you, I would 
be glad for to do it in these parts. I shall be glad to 
do it for you. No more to you at this time but Jesus 
preserve you. 

By your loving friend, Mary Queen of France. 

Henry himself does not appear to have written to his 
sister on her widowhood so soon as he might have done. 
There is a mild reproach from Mary in her next letter, in 
which she also reminds him of the " waterside promise," 
which she was now determined to have fulfilled. Unfortu- 
nately the letter, like so many others on the subject, was 
considerably burned at the edges in the Cottonian fire, but 
the blanks, as far as possible, have been filled by words 
placed within brackets : 

MARY QUEEN-DOWAGER OF FRANCE TO HENRY VIII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."'] 

[January, 1515.] 

[In my] most kind and [loving wise I] recommend 
me unto your grace. I would be very glad to hear 
that your grace were in good health and p[eacej, the 
which should be a great comfort to me, and that it 
will please your grace to send more oft time to me 
than you do, for as now I am all out of comfort, 
saving that all my trust is in your grace, and so shall 
be during my life. Sir, I pray your grace that it will 
please your grace to be so good lord and brother to 
me that you will send hither as soon as you may 
possibly to me. Sir, I beseech your grace that you 
will keep all the promises that you promised me 
when I took my leave of you by the w[ater s]ide. 
Sir, your grace knoweth well that I did marry for 
your pleasure a]t this time, and now I trust that you 
will suffer me to [marry as] me l[iketh fo]r to do ; for, 
sir, I k[now that yo]u shall have . . . s that they . . . 
for I assure your grace that [my mi]nd is not there 
where they would have me, and I trust [your grace] 
will not do so to me that has always been so glad to 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 311 

fulfil your mind as I have been : wherefore I beseech 
your grace for to be good lord and brother to me; 
for, sir, an if your grace will have gran[ted] me 
married in any place, [savjing whereas my mind 
is, I will be there, whereas your grace nor no other 
shall have any joy of me: for, I promise your grace, 
you shall hear that I will be in some religious house, 
the which I think your grace would be very sorry of, 
and all your realm. Also, sir, I know well that the 
King, that is [my so]n, will send to your grace by his 
uncle the duke of . . . for to ma[rry me here, but I 
tru]st you[r grace ... I sha]ll never be merry at my 
heart, (for an ever that I d[o marr]y while I live). 
I trow your grace knoweth as well as I do, and did 
before I came hither, and so I trust your grace will 
be contented, unless I would never marry while I 
live, but be there where never [no] man nor woman 
shall have joy of me ; wherefore I beseech your grace 
to be good lord to him and to me both, for I know 
well that he hath m[et ma]ny hindrances to your 
grace of him and me both. Wherefore, an your 
grace be good lord to us both, I will not care for 
all the world else, but beseech your grace to be good 
lord and brother to me, as you have been here afore- 
time, f[or in you] is all the trust that I have in this 
world after God. No m[ore from m]e at this [time]. 
God send your grace [long life an]d your heart's 
de[sires]. 

By your humble and loving sister, Mary Queen 
of France. 

To the King my brother this be delivered, in haste. 

There were other delicate matters needing adjustment in 
Paris, in addition to the position of the young Queen-Dowager. 
The new treaty had not yet been carried out, and there were 
all those priceless jewels that Louis had showered upon his 
bride to be secured, if possible, to say nothing of Mary's 
dowry. So a special embassy was sent from England, both 
to comfort the widow and settle these and other matters, 
as well as to congratulate the new King on his accession. 



312 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

It was also to do its best to prevent the Duke of Albany's 
departure from France for Scotland. At the head of this 
deputation was Suffolk himself, now drawn into terms of the 
closest intimacy with Wolsey, who knew, as well as did 
Henry VIII., that they were sending in him a lover as well 
as an ambassador. Before leaving England, however, he 
made the King, in Wolsey's presence — as Wolsey afterwards 
sorrowfully reminded him — a solemn promise that in no 
respect would he abuse his trust. Henry announced the 
despatch of this embassy as follows : 

HENRY VIII. TO THE FRENCH MINISTER. 

[Halliwell-Phillipps : " Letters of the Kings of England."] 

[Eltham, January 14, 15 15.] 

Very dear and good friend, 

By the letters which the King, our good brother 
and cousin, has lately written to us, with sorrow we 
are advertised of the demise of our good brother, 
cousin, and' compeer, the late King your master, 
whom God assoil ! This has been to us news very 
unwelcome to hear, on account of the kind love, very 
cordial affection and endearment that we bore him, 
and knowing of a certainty that he was of the same 
kind will and disposition towards ourself. But we 
have conceived very great joy and pleasure, in that 
he has left a prince so good, virtuous, and prudent, as 
his successor, and that he is desirous to live with us in 
all good and perfect love and endearment ; and in that 
he comforts and consoles our good sister, who is, for 
the present, very deeply afflicted ; likewise, that he is 
determined to hold and account her as a mother, and 
to consider her concerns as his own, to whom, for his 
goodness of heart, we have sent thanks by our letters, 
and we feel ourselves greatly obliged to him for it. 

And inasmuch as it appears to us necessary and 
expedient, and also binding on our natural affections, 
to send certain of our trusty familiars and private 
servants to her, to console and comfort her on our 
part on this occasion, and also to say and propound 
certain matters on our behalf to our good brother 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 313 

and cousin, we have, at this time, despatched our 
cousin and councillor, the Duke of Suffolk, and in his 
company, Master Nicolas West, Doctor in Laws, and 
Master Richard Wingfield, our first Gentleman Usher, 
(who are also our councillors). 

And as your advice and counsel will be necessary 
to them, to further their suit, we have commanded 
them to apply themselves to you, as to one whom we 
have ever found disposed to the maintaining of kind 
love and amity between the late King your master 
and ourself, and also between our good brother and 
cousin, the King, your present master. And, never- 
theless, we pray you, very dear and good friend, 
to be willing to further their suit, and take in hand 
these matters, for which we now send them to the 
other side. 

And you will do us a very singular and acceptable 
service, for which we will make you a grateful return 
in what way you think proper, or we shall be able to 
do for you, with the help of our Lord, who, my very 
dear and good friend, have you in his good keeping. 

Henry was again worried at this period with his elder 
sister's affairs in Scotland. Margaret, like Mary, was a 
creature of impulse, possessed of all the Tudor imperiousness 
in her love affairs. Her marriage with the Earl of Angus 
had landed her in straits so serious that she begged her 
brother to send men and money to her assistance. Henry 
answered her repeated appeals for help by promising war 
against her enemies, and privately exhorting the Queen to 
fly with her children to England. This is Margaret's 
reply : 

MARGARET QUEEN OF SCOTLAND TO HENRY VIII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies. "] 

[Perth, January 21, 15 15.] 

Right excellent, high, and mighty prince, and 
dearest brother, 
I commend me to you with all my heart. I have 
received instructions from the lord Dacres by my 



314 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

servant, Sir James English, this 21st day of January, 
made by the advice of you and your council, wherein 
I consider the great affection and love that you have 
to me, my children, my husband, and his friends, 
whose counsel I would be gladder to do than to 
make me the greatest lady of the world. Yet it 
comforts mine heart to hear your fraternal desire ; 
but it is impossible to be performed by any manner 
of fashion that I, my husband, or his uncle [Gavin 
Douglas] can devise ; considering what watch and 
spies there is daily where I am, and I dare disclose 
my counsel to none other but God. If I were such a 
woman that might go with my bairn in mine arm, I 
trow I should not be long from you, whose presence 
I desire most of any man. I trust, dear brother, to 
defend me from mine enemies, if I had sufficient 
expenses till the coming of your help ; but I am so 
super-expended that I doubt that poverty shall cause 
me to consent to some of their minds, which I shall 
never do without your counsel, as long as I have a 
groat to spend. Wherefore I pray you to send me 
some money, as you think necessary; for it is not 
your honour that I or my children should want. . . . 

Rumours of the King's advice to his sister got abroad, 
together with the report that it was Henry's intention, 
failing issue of his own line, to make Margaret's elder son 
King of England, and the younger son King of Scotland. 
Lord Fleming writes to this effect to the Earl of Huntly. 
" Therefore," he says, " I pray you cause to keep the bairns 
well." * Adam Williamson, Margaret's chaplain and faithful 
friend, urged her, in a letter written towards the end of this 
month, to follow her brother's advice, for Henry, he declared, 
was " the best prince the world ever had. . . . Pardon me, 
madame," he adds, " though I write plain to your grace, I 
speak true of heart. I have been in so great danger, and 
lost my goods also, for your sake and in your service, that if 
anything should come to you but good, as God forbid, my 

1 Cotton. MS. Calig. B. I. fol. 25. 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 315 

days should be short in this world ; if your grace prosper 
and do well, I care not for all my labour and loss." * 

Bishop Gavin Douglas, her husband's uncle, wrote to Adam 
Williamson from Perth, however, to the effect that though 
the Queen would be glad to follow the King's advice, it was 
not possible to do as he suggested : " for albeit my Lord and 
I, with other friends, might come to the parts when we 
pleased, it would not be possible to carry the King nor his 
brother thither." The Queen, he added, might be conveyed 
thither in disguise, but the danger was not so great that they 
need leave the country. " The King might end all debate, 
for his writing would be as well obeyed by most of the Lords 
here as in London. If, therefore, he came with his army, let 
him declare to the people his determination to have justice 
and secure obedience to the King, his nephew. He will be 
sure of many adherents." 2 

Between Margaret and Mary, and the affairs of their 
different kingdoms, Henry's mind was kept well employed 
this month. That he wrote, at length, "good and kind 
letters " to his younger sister is shown by her reply, in which 
also she makes the promise, so soon to be broken, that she 
would engage in no other matrimonial affairs without con- 
sulting him : 

MARY QUEEN-DOWAGER OF FRANCE TO HENRY VIII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

[January, 15 15.] 

Mine own good and most kind brother, 

I recommend me unto your grace, and thank you 
for the good and kind letters that you have sent me, 
the which has been the greatest comfort might be 
unto me in this world, desiring your grace so for to 
continue, for there is nothing so great a store to me 
as for to see you, the which I would very fain have 
the time for to come, as I trust it shall be, or else I 
would be very sorry, for I think every day a thousand 
till I may see you. 

Sir, whereas your grace sends me word that I will 

1 Cotton. MS. Calig. B. II. fol. 152. 

2 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., p. 12. 



316 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

not give no credence to them for no suit nor for no 
other words that shall be given me; sit, I promise 
your grace that I never made them no promise, nor 
no other for them, nor never will until that I know 
your grace's mind for nobody alive ; for your grace is 
all the comfort that I have in this world ; and I trust 
your grace will not fail, for I have nothing in this 
world that I care for but to have the good and kind 
mind that your grace had ever toward me, which I 
beseech your grace to continue, for therein is my 
trust that I have in this world. Sir, as for the letter 
that your grace did send me by Master Clinton, 
whereas you send me word that I should provide 
myself and make me ready for to come to your 
grace ; sir, an it were to-morrow I would be ready : 
and, as for my lord of Suffolk, and Sir Richard 
Wingfield, and Doctor West, there be two or three 
that came from the King my son [Francis I.] for to 
have brought them to him by the way as they came 
hitherward, and so hindered them coming hitherward 
that th ... as I trust shall conclude in a day or 
two, and then let me know your mind, for an when I 
do, I will do thereafter. 

Sir, I beseech your grace for to be good lord to 
Mr. John, your surgeon, for my sake, and that you 
will not be miscontented with him for his long 
tarrying here with me, for I bore him an hand that 
your grace were contented that he should be here 
with me awhile ; and so I pray your grace to give 
him leave for to tarry here awhile with me, for because 
I am very ill-diseased with the toothache, and the 
mother 1 withal, that some times I wot not what for o 
do ; but if I might see your grace I were healed. No 
more to you at this time, but I pray God to send 
your grace good life and long. By your loving sister, 
Mary. 

1 The ancient term for the disease called globus hystericus. It is 
thus used by Shakspeare : 

" Lear. Oh, how this mother swells up toward my heart ! 
Hysterica passio ! down, thou climbing sorrow, 
Thy element's below ! " — King Lear, Act ii. Scene 4. 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 317 

There were reasons for Henry's warnings. Mary was the 
most tempting match in Europe, and many suitors for her 
hand were talked of, including not only the rejected Charles 
of Castile — now, however, negotiating for the hand of 
Madame Renee, Louis XII. 's youngest daughter, then four 
years old — but even his rapacious grandfather, the Emperor 
Maximilian, who, needless to say, fell in love with her riches. 
Charles III., Duke of Savoy, the Dukes of Lorraine and 
Bavaria, and the Prince of Portugal, were also mentioned in 
different courts as possible winners of the coveted prize. 
The danger of being again sacrificed to further her brother's 
ambition must have been ever present in Mary's thoughts in 
that gloomy room in the Cluny Palace, where, as La Reine 
Blanche, she was eagerly awaiting the coming of her lover. 
The enemies of Wolsey and Suffolk in Henry's council, 
leaving no stone unturned in their efforts to bring about the 
disgrace of the allied favourites, added to her anxieties by 
sending her a confessor, one Friar Langley, to turn her love, 
if possible, into loathing. Suffolk afterwards told Wolsey — 
having had the story from Mary herself — that this friar 
warned her " to beware of me of all men, for he knew well 
that you and I meddled with the Devil, and by the puissance 
of the said Devil we kept our master subject. . . . And I 
specially, for I had caused the disease of Compton's leg." 1 

Suffolk arrived at Senlis, with the other members of the 
King's embassy, on January 27, the day before the coronation 
of Francis at Rheims. Thence Francis sent the Englishmen 
word to say that he was right glad of their coming. The 
new King, like Henry, was young and ambitious. He longed 
for military glory in Italy, where he was planning an 
expedition to regain for France the Duchy of Milan, which 
Louis XII. had won and lost; and before allowing the 
Queen- Dowager to slip through his fingers, he meant to 
make the best terms he could with regard to her property, in 
order to increase as far as possible the necessary sinews of 
war. He received the English ambassadors a few days after 
his coronation " and conversed with them as lovingly and as 
familiarly as ever he did, expressing his pleasure for the 
renewal of the peace between the two countries," and, on 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., p. 49. 



318 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

their request to have license to condole with the Queen- 
Dowager, answered that he was well contented. 1 Knowing 
how matters stood between Mary and Suffolk, he now won 
the Duke's confidence, as he had already won that of La 
Reine Blanche, in a way which is best told in Suffolk's own 
words. This was his preliminary move in the coming tussle 
over Mary's precious jewels and other belongings : 

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies " and Calendar, 
Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I.] 

[Senlis, February 3, 15 15.] 

My lord, so it was that the same day that the 
French king gave us audience, his grace called me 
unto him and had me into his bed-chamber, and said 
unto me, — " My lord of Suffolk, so it is that there is 
a bruit in this my realm that you are come to marry 
with the queen, your master's sister;" and when I 
heard him say so, I answered him and said " that I 
trusted that his grace would not reckon so great folly 
in me to come into a strange realm and to marry a 
queen of the realm without his knowledge and without 
authority from the King, my master to him, and that 
they both might be content ; but I said I assured his 
grace that I had no such thing, and that it was never 
intended on the King my master's behalf nor on 
mine;" and then he said "it was not so, for then 
(since) that I would not be plain with him, he 
would be plain with me," and showed me that the 
queen herself had broken her mind unto him, and 
that he had promised her his faith and truth, and by 
the truth of a king that he would help her, and to d[o 
what was possibjly in him to help her to obtain [this 
that she did desijre, " and because that you shall not 
th[ink that I do] bear you this in hand and that [she 
has not spo]ke her mind, I will s[how you some 
worjds that you had to her [grace privily] ; " and so 
showed me a ware-vjor&? the which none alive could 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., pp. 34-5. 

2 Signal-word, or word of warning. 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 319 

tell then but she. And when that then I was abashed 
and he saw that, and said " because for (that) you 
shall say that you have found a kind prince and a 
loving, and because you shall not think m[e other,] 
here I give you in your hand my faith and truth, by 
the word of a king, that I shall never fail unto you 
but to help and advance this matter betwixt her and 
you with as good a will as I would for mine own 
[self.] " And when he had done this I could do none 
less than to thank his grace for the great goodness 
that his grace intended to show unto the queen and 
me, and by it I showed his grace that I was like to 
be undone if this matter should come to the know- 
ledge of the King my master : and then he said, 
" Let me alone for that : I and the queen shall so 
instance your master that I trust that he would be 
content, and because I would gladly put your heart 
at rest, I will when I come to Paris speak with the 
queen, and she and I both will write letters to the 
King your master with our own hands, in the best 
manner that can be devised." 

My lord, these were his proper words. . . . And if 
you shall think good to advertise the King of this 
letter, do. 

Wolsey's reply to this letter is considered so important by 
Brewer "to the clear understanding of this strangest of all 
negotiations " that he prints it in extenso in his preface to the 
second volume of the Calendar for Henry VIII. : 

THOMAS WOLSEY TO THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 
[Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II.] 

[February, 15 15.] 

My Lord, 

In my most hearty manner I recommend me unto 
your good Lordship, and have received your letter 
written with your own hands, dated at Paris the 3rd 
day of this month, and as joyous I am, as any 
creature living, to hear as well of your honorable 
entertainment with the French king, and of his 



320 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

loving mind towards you for your marriage with the 
French queen, our master's sister, as also of his kind 
offer made unto you, that both you and the said 
French queen shall effectually write unto the King's 
grace for the obtaining of his good will and favour 
unto the same. The contents of which your letter I 
have at good leisure declared unto the King's 
highness, and his grace marvellously rejoiced to hear 
of your good speed in the same, and how substan- 
tially and discretely ye ordered and handled yourself 
in your words and your communication with the said 
French king, when he first secretly brake with you of 
the said marriage. And, therefore, my Lord, the 
King and I think it good that ye procure and solicit 
the speedy sending unto his grace of the letters from 
the said French king touching this matter, assuring 
you that the King continueth firmly in his good 
mind and purpose towards you, for the accomplish- 
ment of the said marriage, albeit that there be daily 
on every side practices made to the hindrance of the 
same, which I have withstanded hitherto, and doubt 
not so to do till ye shall have achieved your intended 
purpose ; and ye shall say, by that time that ye know 
all, that to have had of me a fast friend. 

The king's grace sends unto you at this time not 
only his especial letters of thanks unto the French 
king for the loving and kind entertainment of you and 
the other ambassadors with you, and for his favourable 
audience given unto you and them, but also other 
letters of thanks to the queen, his wife, and to other 
personages specified in your letter jointly sent with 
the other ambassadors to the king's grace. And his 
highness is of no less mind and affection than the 
French king is for the continuance of good peace 
and amity betwixt them. And his grace will 
favourably hear such ambassadors as the said 
French king shall send hither to commune and 
treat upon the same ; and upon the overture of their 
charges ye shall be with all diligence made privy 
thereto. The Lady Suffolk [Lady Margaret de la 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 321 

Pole] is departed out of this present life ; and over 
this, my Lord, the king's grace hath granted unto 
you all such lands as be come into his hands by the 
decease of the said Lady of Suffolk ; and also by my 
pursuit hath given unto you the lordship of Claxton, 
which his highness had of my Lord Admiral for 
1,000 marks, which he did owe to his grace. 

And finally, my Lord, whereas ye desired at your 
departing to have an harness [suit of armour] made 
for you, the king hath willed me to write unto you, 
that he saith that it is impossible to make a perfect 
headpiece for you, unless that the manner of the 
making of your sight were assuredly known. And 
because I am no cunning clerk to describe the 
plainness of such a thing, inasmuch as ye shall 
perceive by this my writing what the matter meaneth, 
ye may make answer to the king's (grace) upon the 
same, like as ye shall think good. 

And whereas ye write that the French king is of 
no less good will towards me than his predecessor 
was, I pray you to thank his grace for the same, and 
to offer him my poor service, which, next my master, 
shall have mine heart for the good will and mind 
which he beareth to you ; beseeching you to have my 
affairs recommended, and that I may have some end 
in the same, one way or other. And thus for lack 
of more leisure I bid you most heartily farewell, 
beseeching you to have me recommended to the 
queen's grace. 

From my house beside Westminster. 

Mary herself told Henry of her interview with Francis, 
pleading with her brother at the same time to give her her 
heart's desire — without, however, telling him that she had 
already taken this in secret : 

MARY QUEEN-DOWAGER OF FRANCE TO HENRY VIII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

[Paris, February, 15, 15 15.] 

Pleaseth it your grace, the French king, on 
Tuesday night last past, came to visit me, and had 

Y.H. Y 



322 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

with me many diverse discoursing, among the which 

he demanded me whether I had ever made any 

promise of marriage in any place, assuring me upon 

his honour, and upon the word of a prince, that in 

case I would be plain with him in that affair, that 

he would do for me therein to the best of his power, 

whether it were in his realm or out of the same. 

Whereunto I answered, that I would disclose unto 

him the secret of my heart in humility, as unto the 

prince of the world after your grace in whom I had 

most trust, and so declared unto him the good mind 

which for divers considerations I bear to my lord 

of Suffolk, asking him not only to grant me his 

favour and consent thereunto, but also that he 

would of his own hand write unto your grace, and 

to pray you to bear your like favour unto me, and to 

be content with the same ; the which he granted me 

to do, and so hath done, according as shall appear 

unto your grace by his said letters. And, sir, I 

most humbly beseech you to take this answer 

which I have made unto the French king in good 

part, the which I did only to be discharged of the 

extreme pain and annoyance I was in, by reason 

of such suit as the French king made unto me not 

according with mine honour, the which he hath 

clearly left off. Also, sir, I feared greatly lest, in 

case that I had kept the matter from his knowledge, 

that he might have not well entreated my said lord 

of Suffolk, and the rather for to have returned to 

his former malfantasy; and suits. Wherefore, sir, 

since it hath pleased the said king to desire and 

pray you of your favour and consent, I most humbly 

and heartily beseech you that it may like your grace 

to bear your favour and consent to the same, and to 

advertise the said king by your writing of your own 

hand of your pleasure, and in that he hath acted 

after mine opinion in his letter of request, it shall 

be to your great honour ... to content with all 

your council, and with all the other nobles of the 

realm, and agree thereto for your grace and for all 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 323 

the world; and therefore I eftsoon require you, for 
all the love that it liked your grace to bear me, that 
you do not refuse but grant me your favour and 
consent in form before rehearsed, the which if you 
shall deny me, I am well assured to lead as desolate 
a life as ever had creature, the which I know well 
shall be mine end. Always praying your grace to 
have compassion of me, my most loving and 
sovereign lord and brother, whereunto I have 
entreated you, beseeching God always to preserve 
your most royal estate. 

I most humbly beseech your grace to consider, in 
case that you make difficulty to condescend to the 
promises as I wish, the French king will take new 
courage to renew his suits to me ; assuring you that 
I had rather to be out of the world than it so should 
happen ; and how he shall entreat my lord of 
Suffolk, God knoweth, with many other incon- 
venience, which might ensue of the same, the which 
I pray our Lord that I may never have life to see. 

By your loving sister and true servant, Mary 
Queen of France. 

Mary seems to have been unnecessarily fearful of her 
brother's intentions in the matter of her marriage. Had 
she been content to wait until all these negotiations had 
been completed, and Suffolk, as he had promised, had 
conducted her back, still a widow, to the English Court, 
there is little doubt that she would have obtained the King's 
consent. Her hand was, doubtless, the reward held up to 
Suffolk to bring the bargaining with Francis to a successful 
issue. In another letter written to him in February, Wolsey 
said that he would be glad to allow Suffolk to return with the 
Queen-Dowager, but not until he had completed her business. 
" I assure you," he wrote, "the hope that the King hath to 
obtain the said plate and jewels is the thing that most 
stayeth his grace constantly to assent that ye should marry 
his sister ; the lack thereof, I fear me, might make him cold 
and remiss, and cause some alteration, whereof all men 
here, except his grace and myself, would be right glad." * 
Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., p. 67. 

Y 2 



324 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

But Mary, overwrought by anxiety, had not been able to 
wait. Shortly after Suffolk's arrival — the exact date is 
disputed — she flung herself upon her lover's protection, 
vowing that he must marry her within four days or not 
at all. The sequel was disclosed to Wolsey sooner than 
was necessary, as it happened, for Suffolk's fears that the 
Queen-Dowager was enceinte proved groundless: 

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO THOMAS WOLSEY. 
[Calendar, Henry VI II., Vol. II. Preface, xxv.] 

[March 5, 1515.] 

My Lord, — I am obliged to you next God and my 
master, and therefore I will hide none thing from 
you, trusting that you will help me now as you have 
always done. Me Lord, so it is that when I came 
to Paris I heard many things which put me in great 
fear, and so did the Queen both ; and the Queen 
would never let me be in rest till I had granted her 
to be married ; and so to be plain with you, I have 
married her heartily, and have lain with her, insomuch 
I fear me lest she be with child. My Lord, I am 
not in a little sorrow if the King should know it, and 
that his grace should be displeased with me ; for 
I ensure you that I had rather 'a died than he should 
be miscontent .... let me not be undone now, the 
which I fear me shall be, without the help of you. 
Me Lor, think not that ever you shall make any 
friend that shall be more obliged to you ; and there- 
fore me nown good Lord .... help me Lor, they 
marry as well in Lent as out of Lent, with licence 
of any bishop. Now my Lord, you know all, and in 
you is all my trust, beseeching you now of your 
assured help, and that I may have answer from you 
of this and of the other writings as shortly as may 
be possible, for I ensure you that I have as heavy 
a heart as any man living, and shall have until I 
may hear good news from you. 

Suffolk's appeal did not meet with the response for which 
the lovers hoped and prayed. Wolsey was alarmed for them 
both, and does not mince matters in his reply : 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 325 

THOMAS WOLSEY TO THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 
[Calendar, Henry VIII. , Vol. II., Preface, xxvii. — xxviii.] 

{March, 15 15.] 

My Lord, — With sorrowful heart I write unto you, 
vsignifying unto the same that I have to my no little 
discomfort and inward heaviness perceived by your 
letters, dated at Paris the 5th day of this instant 
month, how that you be secretly married unto the 
King's sister, and have accompanied together as man 
and wife. And albeit ye by your said letters desired 
me in no wise to disclose the same to the King's 
grace, yet seeing the same toucheth not only his 
honor, your promise made to his grace, and also my 
truth towards the same, I could no less do but 
incontinent upon the sight of your said letters, 
declare and show the contents thereof to his highness, 
which at the first hearing could scantly believe the 
same to be true : but after I had showed to his grace 
that by your own writing I had knowledge thereof, 
his grace, giving credence thereunto, took the same 
grievously and displeasantly, not only for that ye 
durst presume to marry his sister without his know- 
ledge, but also for breaking of your promise made to 
his grace in his hand, I being present, at Eltham ; 
having also such an assured affiance in your truth, 
that for all the world, and to have been torn with 
wild horses, ye would not have broken your oath, 
promise, and assurance, made to his grace, which 
doth well perceive that he is deceived of the constant 
and assured trust that he thought to have found in 
you, and so his grace would I should expressly write 
unto you. And for my part, no man can be more 
sorry than I am that ye have so done, being so 
encumbered therewith that I cannot devise nor study 
the remedy thereof, considering that ye have failed 
to him which hath brought you up of low degree to 
be of this great honor ; and that ye were the man 
in all the world to be loved and trusted best, and 
was content that with good order and saving of his 
honor ye should have in marriage his said sister. 



326 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Cursed be the blind affection and council that hath 
brought you hereunto ! Fearing that such sudden 
and unadvised dealing shall have sudden repentance. 
Nevertheless, in this great perplexity, I see no 
other remedy but first to make your humble pursuits 
by your own writing, causing also the French king, 
the queen, with other your friends, to write : with 
this also that shall follow, which I assure you I write 
unto you of mine own head without knowledge ot 
any person living, being in great doubt whether the 
same shall make your peace or no ; notwithstanding, 
if any remedy be, it shall be by that way. It shall 
be well done that, with all diligence possible, ye and 
the queen bind yourself by obligation to pay yearly 
to the King during the queen's life £4,000 of her 
dower ; and so ye and she shall have remaining of 
the said dower £6,000 and above to live withal 
yearly. Over and besides this ye must bind yourself 
to give unto the King the plate of gold and jewels 
which the late French king had. And whereas the 
queen shall have full restitution of her dote, ye shall 
not only give entirely the said dote to the King, but 
also cause the French king to be bound to pay to 
the king the 200,000 crowns, which his grace is 
bounden to pay to the queen, in the full contentation 
of the said dote de novissimis denariis, and the said 
French king to acquit the king for the payment 
thereof; like as the king hath more at the large 
declared his pleasure to you, by his letters lately 
sent unto you. This is the way to make your peace ; 
whereat if ye deeply consider what danger ye be and 
shall be in, having the king's displeasure, I doubt 
not both the queen and you will not stick, but with 
all effectual diligence endeavour yourselves to recover 
the king's favor, as well by this means as by other 
substantial true ways, which by mine advise ye shall 
use, and none other, towards his grace, whom by 
corbobyll drifts and ways you cannot abuse. Now 
I have told you my opinion, hardily follow the same, 
and trust not too much to your own wit, nor follow 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 327 

the council of them that hath not more deeply con- 
sidered the dangers of this matter than they have 
hitherto done. 

And as touching the overtures made by the French 
king for Tournay, and also for a new confederation 
with the king and him, like as I have lately written 
to you, I would not advise you to wade any further 
in these matters, for it is to be thought that the 
French king intendeth to make his hand by favoring 
you in the attaining to the said marriage ; which 
when he shall perceive that by your means he 
cannot get such things as he desireth, peradventure 
he shall show some change and alteration in the 
queen's affairs, whereof great inconvenience might 
ensue. Look wisely therefore upon the same, and 
consider you have enough to do in redressing your 
own causes ; and think it will be hard to induce the 
king to give you a commission of trust, which hath 
so lightly regarded the same towards his grace. 

OThus I have as a friend declared my mind unto 
you, and never trust to use nor have me in anything 
contrary to truth, my master's honor, profits, wealth, 
and surety ; to the advancement and furtherance 
whereof no creature living is more bounden ; as our 
Lord knoweth, who send you grace to look well and 
deeply upon your acts and doings ; for ye put yourself 
in the greatest danger that ever man was in. 

It was probably this masterly letter which made Mary 
herself write for Henry's forgiveness for her stolen love- 
match, bravely taking upon herself the whole blame for what 
had happened : 

MARY QUEEN-DOWAGER OF FRANCE TO HENRY VIII. 

["Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

\Pleaseth it your grace, to my greatest discomfort, 
sorrow, and disconsolation, but lately I have been 
advertised of the great and high displeasure which 
your highness beareth unto me and my lord of 
Suffolk for the marriage between us. Sir, I will not 



328 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

in any wise deny but that I have offended your grace, 
for the which I do put myself most humbly in your 
clemency and mercy. Nevertheless, to the intent 
that your highness should not think that I had 
simply, carnally, or of any sensual appetite done the 
same, I having no regard to fall in your grace's dis- 
pleasure, I assure your grace that I had never done 
against your ordinance and consent, but by the 
reason of the great despair wherein I was put by the 
two friars .... which hath certified me in case I 
come to England your council would never consent 
to the marriage between the said lord and me, with 
many other sayings concerning the same promise, so 
that I verily thought that the said friars would never 
have offered to have made me like overture unless 
they might have had charge from some of your 
council, the which put me in such consternation, fear, 
and doubt of the obtaining of the thing which I 
desired most in this world, that I rather chose to put 
me in your mercy accomplishing the marriage than 
to put me in the order of your council knowing them 
to be otherwise minded. Whereupon, sir, I put my 
lord of Suffolk in choice whether he would accomplish 
the marriage within four days, or else that he should 
never have enjoyed me ; whereby I know well that I 
constrained him to break such promises as he made 
your grace, as well for fear of losing of me as also 
that I ascertained him that by their consent I would 
never come into England. And now that your grace 
knoweth the both offences, of the which I have been 
the only occasion, I most humbly and as your most 
sorrowful sister require you to have compassion 
upon us both and to pardon our offences, and that it 
will please your grace to write to me and to my lord 
of Suffolk some comfortable words, for it should be 
greatest comfort for us both. 

By your loving and most humble sister, Mary. 

This penitent letter was followed by a more formal 
document, evidently intended to be laid by the King before 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 329 

his council, and dictated for that purpose by the far-seeing 
Wolsey. It was written after the sorrowful couple had 
ventured as far as Calais on their journey home, Suffolk 
returning under the cloud not only of his broken promise 
to Henry, but also of the ill-success of his negotiations 
with the French king : 

MARY QUEEN-DOWAGER OF FRANCE TO HENRY VIII. 

[" Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies."] 

My most dear and entirely beloved brother, 

In most humble manner 1 I recommend me to your 
grace. 

Dearest brother, I doubt not but that you have in 
your good remembrance that whereas for the good of 
peace and for the furtherance of your affairs you 
moved me to marry with my lord and late husband, 
king Louis of France, whose soul God pardon. 
Though I understood that he was very aged and 
sickly, yet for the advancement of the said peace, and 
for the furtherance of your causes, I was contented to 
conform myself to your said motion, so that if I 
should fortune to survive the said late king I might 
with your good will marry myself at my liberty 
without your displeasure. Whereunto, good brother, 
you condescended and granted, as you well know, 
promising unto me that in such case you would never 
provoke or move me but as mine own heart and mind 
should be best pleased ; and that wheresoever I 
should dispose myself, you would wholly be contented 
with the same. And upon that, your good comfort 
and faithful promise, I assented to the said marriage, 
which else I would never have granted to, as at the 
same time I showed unto you more at large. Now 
that God hath called my said late husband to his 
mercy, and that I am at my liberty, dearest brother, 
remembering the great virtues which I have seen and 
perceived heretofore in my lord of Suffolk, to whom I 
have always been of good mind, as you well know, I 

1 It was at first written, " In most tender and loving manner 
possible ; " the alteration is in Wolsey 's hand. 



330 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

have affixed and clearly determined myself to marry 
with him ; and the same [I] assure you hath pro- 
ceeded only of mine own mind, without any request 
or labour of my said lord of Suffolk, or of any other 
person. And to be plain with your grace, I have so 
bound myself unto him that for no cause earthly I 
will or may vary or change from the same. 1 Where- 
fore my good and most kind brother, I now beseech 
your grace to take this matter in good part, and to 
give unto me and to my said lord of Suffolk your 
good will herein. Ascertaining you, that upon the 
trust and comfort which I have, for that you have 
always honourably regarded your promise, I am now 
come out of the realm of France, and have put myself 
within your jurisdiction in this your town of Calais, 
where I intend to remain till such time as I shall 
have answer from you of your good and loving mind 
herein ; which I would not have done but upon the 
faithful trust that I have in your said promise. 
Humbly beseeching your grace, for the great and 
tender love which ever hath been and shall be 
between you and me, to bear your gracious mind and 
show yourself to be agreeable thereunto, and to 
certify me by your most loving letters of the same, 
till which time I will make mine abode here, and no 
farther enter your realm. And to the intent it may 
please you the rather to condescend to this my most 
hearty desire, I am contented and expressly promise 
and bind me to you, by these presents, to give you all 
the whole dote which was delivered with me, and also 
all such plate of gold and jewels as I shall have of 
my said late husband's. Over and besides this I 
shall, rather than fail, give you as much yearly part 

1 This sentence was originally written, "So it is, brother, as 
you well know, I have always borne good mind towards my lord of 
Suffolk ; and him, as the case doth now require with me, I can love 
before all other, and upon him I have perfectly set my mind — 
settled and determined ; and upon the good comfort of your said 
promise the matter is so far forth that for no cause earthly I will 
vary or change from the same. And of me and of mine own toward- 
ness and mind only hath it proceeded," 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 331 

of my dower, to as great a sum as shall stand with 
your will and pleasure ; and of all the premises I 
promise, upon knowledge of your good mind, to make 
unto you sufficient bonds. Trusting, verily, that in 
fulfilling of your said promise to me made, you will 
show your brotherly love, affection, and good mind to 
me in this behalf, which to hear of I abide with most 
desire ; and not to be miscontented with my said lord 
of Suffolk, whom of mine inward good mind and 
affection to him I have in manner enforced to be 
agreeable to the same, without any request by him 
made ; as knoweth our Lord, whom I beseech to 
have your grace in his merciful governance. 

It was hardly surprising that Suffolk's mission had been 
a failure. He may have carried all before him in affairs of 
the heart, but he had no head for diplomacy, and exposed 
himself to all manner of suspicions in his dealings with 
Francis I . The wretched haggling between the two monarchs 
over the dowry, plate and jewels — curiously like the squab- 
bling between Henry VII. and Ferdinand over Catherine's 
marriage settlement years before — strained the relations all 
round and drove both Mary and Suffolk to despair. Enemies 
were not wanting on Henry's council who declared that the 
English duke thought more of his personal interests than of 
those of his country ; he failed to persuade the French king 
that he must prevent the duke of Albany from going to 
Scotland ; and he satisfied no one in the matter of Mary's 
belongings. Many points were left undecided in the alliance 
formally renewed between France and England on April 5, 
the new treaty being little more than a truce. 

One thing, however, the Duke and Mary succeeded in 
accomplishing, and that was a semi-private marriage with 
the French King's permission. Suffolk had begged repeatedly 
for an open marriage in France, "seeing that this privy 
marriage," he wrote to Wolsey on March 12, " and that I 
think none otherwise that she is with child " x ; and both 
Francis and his brother had written to Henry on their 
behalf to consent to such a ceremony. Whether Henry 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII. , Vol. II., Part II., Appendix, p. 7. 



332 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

formally consented or not we do not know, for Mary's 
brother preserves an ominous silence at this period so far 
as the State Papers are concerned, but according to the 
diary of the French King's mother, Louise of Savoy, the 
semi-private marriage took place in Paris on March 30, 
during Lent. 

Not long afterwards — on April 16 to be exact — the doubly- 
married couple received the longed-for permission to leave 
"this town of Paris, which is like a stinking prison," as 
Suffolk says in one of his letters, 1 and return to England. 
Francis, who was probably not sorry to be rid of them, 
having extracted as much as he could from Mary without 
breaking with Henry, and being now full of plans for his 
coming campaign in Italy, escorted the pair as far as 
St. Denis, many other great personages also accompanying 
them : 



"The same day," writes West to Henry VIII., 
" the peace was proclaimed and fires made at night ; 
and the morrow was kept holiday, the forenoon, for 
the honour of the same, as I doubt not that my Lord 
of Suffolk and Master Deputy have at large ascer- 
tained your Highness." The King still refuses to 
give up the moveables unless she pay the debt, 
although, since her departure, West has shown the 
Council that Henry's Council consider her entitled 
to them by law, and that " if they wole not deliver 
them now to your grace wole demand them at such 
time and in such manner as shall turn them to more 
displeasure, and they more glad to pay them." The 
French King has done nothing about the present 
which he promised by the Grand Master and Bonnyvet 
to the Queen, " but only given her at her departing 
4 baagues of no great value." On West's remon- 
strance they answered that the King was sore dis- 
pleased at the loss of the diamond called " the 
Mirror of Naples," that he would do no more. West 
thinks this a mere excuse. They are full of dissimula- 
tion " with many fair words and few good deeds." 2 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part II., Appendix, p. 6. 

2 Ibid., p. 107. 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 333 

The " Mirror of Naples " was the wonderful diamond as 
big as a full-sized ringer, with a pear-shaped pearl beneath 
it the size of a pigeon's egg, which Louis XII. had presented 
to his bride on her marriage. Mary and Suffolk had now 
used it to pave the way for Henry's forgiveness, having 
forwarded it to Wolsey to deliver to the King, promising 
his grace that whenever his sister obtained the residue he 
should have the choice of them. Francis demanded its 
return, the new Queen having such a mind to it, writes 
Suffolk, " that he will never be satisfied without it, for it is 
the same that is said should never go from the Queens of 
France " 1 ; but possession being nine points of the law to 
Henry he refused to part, and its loss added not a little to 
the final difficulties of the negotiations in Paris. Two days 
before leaving Paris Mary signed a receipt for 200,000 gold 
crowns as the moiety of her dowry, including 20,000 crowns 
already paid for her travelling expenses to Abbeville at the 
time of her marriage, 2 and on the day of her departure 
acknowledged the receipt of certain jewels, in addition to 
the " Mirror of Naples," " all which belonged to her late 
Lord and husband Louis XII.," 3 but the gold plate and the 
rest of the jewels were never restored. Francis argued that 
these should go towards paying the late King's debts, and 
that she could only take them if she took the debts as well. 
" As touching whether she have right or no," pleaded Suffolk, 
" I cannot tell, for it is past my learning." 

So, in fear and uncertainty, the Duke and Queen-Dowager 
made for Calais, arriving there towards the end of the 
month. Hearing on the way that his enemies were deter- 
mined upon his destruction, Suffolk again called upon the 
King's uncertain clemency : 

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO HENRY VIII. 

[Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Preface, xxxi.] 

[Montreuil, April 22, 1515.3 

Most gracious Sovereign Lord, — So it is that I am 
informed divers ways that all your whole council, my 
Lord of York excepted, with many other, are clearly 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part II., Appendix, p. 7. 

2 Ibid., Part. I., p. 102. 

8 Ibid., Vol. II., Part I., p. 104. 



334 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

determined to " tympe " your grace that I may either 
be put to death or put in prison, and so to be 
destroyed. Alas, Sir, I may say that I have a hard 
fortune, seeing that there was never none of them in 
trouble but I was glad to help them to my power, 
and that your grace knows best. And now that I 
am in this none little trouble and sorrow, now they 
are ready to help to destroy me. But, Sir, I can no 
more but God forgive them whatsoever comes to 
me ; for I am determined. For, Sir, your grace is 
he that is my sovereign lord and master, and he that 
hath brought me up out of nought ; and I am your 
subject and servant, and he that hath offended your 
grace in breaking my promise that I made your 
grace touching the queen your sister ; for the which 
I, with most humble heart, will yield myself into 
your grace's hands to do with my poor body your 
gracious pleasure, not fearing the malice of them ; 
for I know your grace of such nature that it cannot 
lie in their powers to cause you to destroy me for 
their malice. But what punishment I have I shall 
thank God and your grace of it, and think that I 
have well deserved it, both to God and your grace ; 
as knows our Lord, who send your grace your most 
honourable heart's desire with long life, and me most 
sorrowful wretch your gracious favour, what sorrows 
soever I endure therefor. At Mottryll, the 22nd 
day of April, by your most humble subject and 
servant, Charles Suffolke. 

This last appeal was dispatched by the messenger who 
took his wife's own letter to the King from Calais, where 
" the Duke of Suffolk did not dare leave the King of 
England's house, as he would have been killed by the people 
for marrying Queen Mary." * Luckily for the Duke he had 
a friend in Wolsey who stood by him through thick and 
thin, and succeeded — with the help, it is true, of considerable 
sums to Henry — in saving him from the ill-consequences of 
his broken promise : a debt which Suffolk shamefully repaid 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., p, 117. 




MARY TUDOR, QUEEN DOWAGER OF FRANCE, and 

CHARLES BRANDON, DUKE OF SUFFOLK 

From the painting by Mabuse in the collection of the Earl of Yarborough 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 335 

when the time came for Wolsey's own downfall. Crossing 
from Calais on May 2, according to one account, they were 
met by Wolsey on the road from Dover to London and 
conducted by him to the manor of Barking, where the King 
himself rode out to meet them. All was apparently for- 
given, though unfortunately we have no eye-witness's 
account of the private interview between Henry and the 
culprits which took place that night at the said manor of 
Barking. All we know is that the matter was settled by 
a deed dated May 11, the day following their arrival, by 
which Mary and Suffolk bound themselves to resign to the 
King, among other things, her whole dowry of £200,000, 
her plate and jewels — presumably when the matter was 
settled with Francis — and to pay him over and above her 
dowry £24,000, in yearly instalments of £1,000, to cover 
the expenses of her marriage with Louis XII. and her return 
home. 1 It was a heavy price to pay, but, as it was probably 
that or the Duke's head, the couple had reason to con- 
gratulate themselves, especially as, two days later — to make 
trebly sure of the legality of their union — they were publicly 
married at Greenwich in the presence of the whole Court. 
This triumph over the Norfolk faction was probably worth 
all the trouble of the affair to Wolsey, and the cost of its 
settlement to Suffolk. Mary's attractive figure henceforth 
disappears into the background, where, though we catch 
but occasional glimpses of her in the later stages of Henry's 
drama, we may be allowed to hope that she was infinitely 
happier than when playing a leading part on the European 
stage. 

Mary and Suffolk were preceded to London from Paris by 
the new Venetian ambassador, Sebastian Giustinian, sent to 
succeed Andrea Badoer, and to exert all his energies to 
promote the French King's Italian expedition. Therein 
seemed to rest the last hopp of the ancient republic, which, 
though it had repaired some of its losses and disunited 
its enemies, still had the mortification of seeing Verona 
and Brescia in the clutches of the Emperor Maximilian. 
These it was confidently expected he would be obliged to 
relinquish in the event of a French expedition, and 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., p. 125. 



336 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

Giustinian, seconding the efforts of the resident ambassador 
at the French court, had interviewed King Francis on his 
road to London, obtaining from him a pledge which sent 
him on his way rejoicing. " Assure the republic on my 
behalf, said the King, solemnly placing his hand on his 
breast, that, on the word of a gentleman, a year from this 
day, or thirteen months at the utmost, shall not elapse ere 
she recover her whole territory ; and, during this interval, 
should she find herself in peril, be perfectly convinced that 
at the risk of losing my crown, I would not abandon her." 1 

Accompanied by the Magnifico Piero Pasqualigo, the new 
ambassador to France, Giustinian arrived at Dover from 
Boulogne, " having been at sea during twenty-four hours, 
owing to the foul weather, which buffeted us mercilessly," 
and proceeded to London. The whole of their journey and 
the happenings at the English Court are told in the graphic 
language of the despatches translated by Rawdon Brown and 
published in two volumes in 1854 under the title, " Four 
Years at the Court of Henry VIII." It is from this valuable 
source that we now take up the thread of our story. The 
national portrait traced by a foreign pencil, as Rawdon 
Brown says, is always interesting, and the testimony of the 
Venetian diplomatist of higher value than most : " Few 
witnesses could be expected to exhibit so much impartiality; 
he was beset by no early prejudices; he had none of the 
hatred of near neighbourhood to warp his judgment " : 

THE VENETIAN AMBASSADORS TO THE SIGNORY. 
[" Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII."] 

[London, April 21, 15 15.] 

From Canterbury, on the 12th instant, we wrote to 
your Serenity of our having crossed over to this side 
of the channel, and of what we had heard from the 
French ambassadors, who were on their way back to 
France, about the agreement concluded by them with 
this most serene King. Subsequently, in order to 
await his Majesty's instructions respecting our entry 
into this city, we came as far as Rochester, twenty- 
four miles hence, where we found the Consul, the 

" Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII.," Vol. I., p. 58. 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 337 

Magnifico Dom Hieronimo da Molin, son of the late 
Marin, with some of our countrymen, who, to honour 
your Serenity, had come thus far, and with them we 
betook ourselves to Deptford, a place distant twelve 
Venetian miles from this ; and from thence, on the 
18th, there came to escort us, in the name of the 
King's majesty, a doctor of the Parliament and 
another cavalier, with an honourable company of 
about fifty horsemen all in one livery, who, after 
addressing us in the friendly terms customary in like 
circumstances, accompanied us from the said place 
as far as our dwelling in this town. On the road we 
were met, first, by the rest of our countrymen, and 
then by the most noble the Ambassador Badoer and 
others, so that on entering London, we numbered 
upwards of two hundred horse ; and as his aforesaid 
Majesty is at Richmond, seven miles off, where he 
means to celebrate the approaching festival of St. 
George, the patron of his Order of the Garter, he has 
given us to understand that he will in that same 
place, and on that very day, give us our first audience, 
for the sake of doing greater honour to your Serenity; 
and thus do we hold ourselves prepared and in 
readiness, and after having been with his Majesty, we 
will give a detailed account to your Serenity of what 
we have effected. 

The peace with France was again solemnly pro- 
claimed here yesterday. Item, news is expected here 
hourly of the most serene Queen Maria's having left 
Paris on her way back to these parts, and from what 
we understand (although this had been also publicly 
reported in France), she is married to the Duke of 
Suffolk. 

We have presented his letters of recall to the 
Magnifico the Ambassador Badoer, who answered us, 
that he is unable to depart hence without a good sum 
of money ; and he inquired of me, Sebastian, whether 
I had brought him any supply, but I answered him in 
the negative ; for although in the commission given 
me on leaving Venice, it was stated, amongst other 

y.h, I 



338 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

things, that a bill for 1,000 ducats had been consigned 
to me for this purpose by the Magnifico Almoro Pisani 
of the bank, tatnen re vera, I never received either 
the bill or anything else. We have chosen to notify 
this to your Serenity, that you may be acquainted 
with the whole, and take such steps as you shall 
think fit. 



London, April 26, 15 15. 

By our letters of the 21st of April, your Highness 
will have been informed of many occurrences, and 
especially that on St. George's Day we were to have 
public audience of his Majesty. By these present 
we acquaint you that, on that appointed day, his 
Majesty aforesaid sent a prelate and a knight, and an 
honourable train, to escort us from our dwelling ; and 
they conducted us by the Thames to a palace of his, 
called Richmond, ten miles hence, where we found 
the whole court, and well nigh all the lords and 
prelates of the kingdom, assembled We were 
ushered into a stately hall, where all the aforesaid 
were congregated ; at one extremity was his Majesty 
standing near a gilt chair, surrounded by many regal 
insignia, and his Majesty was under a canopy, with a 
gold ground and a raised pile, arrayed in the robes of 
the Garter, as were eight other Knights of the Order. 
Having been introduced to his Majesty, and after 
kissing his hand, and presenting to him your 
Serenity's letter of credence, I, Sebastian, delivered a 
Latin oration, in which we congratulated ourselves, 
in the first place, on his Majesty's good health ; 
secondly, we condoled with him on the death of the 
late King Louis, his brother-in-law; thirdly, we 
thanked his Majesty for that, in the league formed 
with the aforesaid Christian King, he had named your 
Sublimity as his friend and ally, and on this point we 
dwelt at length, and in the warmest terms ; fourthly, 
we expressed our joy at the new confederation made 
by his Majesty with the most Christian King Francis; 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 339 

finally, we launched out in praise of his Majesty, 
whom we extolled with all the eloquence we could 
command, drawing such conclusions as suited our 
purpose, which oration was most attentively listened 
to by his Majesty and by all the prelates and lords 
there present. 

We were answered in his Majesty's name by a 
Doctor of the Parliament, who thanked your 
Highness, in the first place, for having sent us as his 
ambassadors so great a distance and in such difficult 
times ; and, in reply to our congratulation on the 
king's good health, he said, that it well became your 
Serenity to rejoice thereat, as his Majesty bore the 
greatest good will to your Highness, and that 
whenever able to assist you, he would do so most 
readily. He thanked us for our condolence on the 
death of the late most Christian King Louis, repeating 
and confirming many things contained in our oration ; 
adding, moreover, that the nomination made by his 
Majesty of your Highness, as his friend and ally, 
proceeded from the good will and friendship enter- 
tained by him towards your Highness, vowing that 
he had ever been faithful to you, and especially in 
your adversities, and that he had therefore done the 
like in this fresh confederation with this new King of 
France, so that wheresoever possible he means to 
favour you ; and that it is, above all things, his wish 
to make peace for you, and place you in repose after 
so many labours and afflictions. In the last place, 
he thanked us in ample for the praise bestowed on 
him, and for our good wishes for his welfare and 
felicity, so that little was said by us that was not 
benignly and graciously answered in his Majesty's 
name. This ended, his Majesty went to hear high 
mass, and we accompanied him ; after which he went 
to dinner, escorted by all the prelates and lords there 
present, and he chose us to dine there likewise, giving 
us for our companions, the Rev. Archbishop of York 
[Wolsey], who is called " Eboracensis," and the 
Bishop of Durham [Ruthall]. Having dined, we 

Z 2 



340 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

remained a good while with his Majesty very 
familiarly, who at length said he would send for us 
another day to hear what communications we had to 
make from your Serenity, which he was unable to do 
that moment, being occupied ; and thus having taken 
leave, we departed. 

Andreas Baduarius, \ 

Sebast. Giustinianus, Eques.,i Or atores. 
Pet. Pasqualicus, D. Eques., J 

To the details of this first interview with Henry may be 
added the following account by Giustinian's colleague, Piero 
Pasqualigo, which fills in the picture with the intimate 
touches of one who had been a close observer of all the 
Kings and Courts of Christendom : 

PIERO PASQUALIGO TO . 



[" Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII."] 

London, April 30, 1515. 

... As the most serene King was at Richmond, a 
palace of his twelve miles hence, and as on St. 
George's Day he celebrates the anniversary of the 
institution of the Garter, our audience was delayed 
until then to render it more pompous ; and on that 
day, at about half-past nine, the two aforesaid came 
in the King's name to escort us from our dwelling, 
and, accompanied by them and all our countrymen, 
we went down to the Thames, where a large barge 
had been prepared, precisely like a bucintor [state 
barge], covered with the royal colours in cloth, the 
cabin being hung with arras. This vessel conveyed 
us to the palace of Richmond, where they led us 
into a sort of hall, and though it was before mass, 
they made us breakfast, for fear we should faint ; 
after which we were conducted to the presence, 
through sundry chambers all hung with most beautiful 
tapestry, figured in gold and silver and in silk, passing 
down the ranks of the body-guard, which consists of 
three hundred halberdiers in silver breast-plates and 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 341 

pikes in their hands ; and, by God, they were all as 
( Big as giants, so that the display was very grand. 
\We at length reached the King, who was under a 
canopy of cloth of gold, embroidered at Florence, 
the most costly thing I ever witnessed : he was lean- 
ing against his gilt throne, on which was a large gold 
brocade cushion, where the long gold sword of State 
lay ; he wore a cap of crimson velvet, in the French 
fashion, and the brim was looped up all round with 
lacets, which had gold enamelled tags. His doublet 
was in the Swiss fashion, striped alternately with 
white and crimson satin, and his hose were scarlet, 
and all slashed from the knee upwards. Very close 
round his neck he had a gold collar, from which there 
hung a round cut diamond, the size of the largest 
walnut I ever saw, and to this was suspended a most 
beautiful and very large round pearl. 1 His mantle 
was of purple velvet, lined with white satin, the sleeves 
being open, and with a train verily more than four 
Venetian yards in length. This mantle was girt in 
front like a gown, with a thick gold cord, from which 
there hung large glands entirely of gold, like those 
suspended from the cardinals' hats ; over this mantle 
was a very handsome gold collar, with a pendent St. 
George, entirely of diamonds. On his left shoulder 
was the garter, which is a cincture buckled circular- 
wise, and bearing in its centre a cross gules on a field 
argent ; and on his right shoulder was a hood, with a 
border entirely of crimson velvet. 

Beneath the mantle he had a pouch of cloth of 
gold, which covered a dagger ; and his fingers were 
one mass of jewelled rings. 

To the right of his Majesty were eight noblemen, 
dressed like himself, they being his fellow knights. 
To the left were a number of prelates in their rochets. 
Then there were six men with six gold sceptres, 
besides ten heralds with their tabards of cloth of gold, 
wrought with the arms of England, and moreover a 

1 Could this jewel have been the much-discussed " Mirror of 
Naples," sent over as a peace offering by Mary and Suffolk ? 



342 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

crowd of nobility, all arrayed in cloth of gold and 
silk. 

After Giustinian had addressed his Majesty for the 
space of half an hour, and been answered by Dr. 
Taylor, the King made a move, and we being imme- 
diately in advance of him, went with all this pomp to 
church, returning also in procession. Subsequently 
we attended high mass, which was chaunted by the 
Bishop of Durham, with a superb and noble descant 
choir ; and afterwards we accompanied the King to 
table, where he chose us to see the service of the 
courses, contained in sixteen dishes of massive gold 
with sixteen covers. As soon as he had commenced 
eating, he sent us with the Archbishop of York and 
the Bishop of Durham into his chamber, where a very 
sumptuous and plentiful dinner had been prepared 
for us ; and, by the King's order, a repast was 
served in like manner for all our countrymen and 
attendants. 

After dinner, we were taken to the King, who 
embraced us, without ceremony, and conversed for a 
long while very familiarly, on various topics, in good 
Latin and in French, which he speaks very well indeed, 
and he then dismissed us, and we were brought back 
here to London in the same bucintor, by Mr. Russell 
and Dr. Taylor. 

His Majesty is the handsomest potentate I ever set 
eyes on ; above the usual height, with an extremely 
fine calf to his leg, his complexion very fair and 
bright, with auburn hair combed straight and short, in 
the French fashion, and a round face so very beautiful, 
that it would become a pretty woman, his throat being 
rather long and thick. He was born on the 28th 
of June, 149 1, so he will enter his twenty-fifth year 
the month after next. He speaks French, English, 
and Latin, and a little Italian, plays well on the lute 
and harpsichord, sings from book at sight, draws the 
bow with greater strength than any man in England, 
and jousts marvellously. Believe me, he is in 
every respect a most accomplished Prince ; and I, 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 343 

who have now seen all the Sovereigns in Christendom, 
and last of all these two of France and England in 
such great state, might well rest content, and with 
sufficient reason have it said to me, 

" abi viator, sat tuis oculis debes ; " 

nor will I omit telling you how much I am comforted 
to see, that now after the loss of so much territory, 
and such exhaustion incurred by the most illustrious 
Signory, she is held in as great account of yore by 
these two kings, who are the first in the world, so her 
ambassadors must bear patiently the cost of their 
outfit and that of their attendants, and of so many 
preparatives, for it all redounds most immensely to 
your glory and repute, and indeed both in France and 
here, everybody vows that although you have lost 
territory, you have, nevertheless, gained so much 
honour by maintaining yourselves, and prevailing 
during so many years against so many enemies and 
such a tide of adverse fortune, that the like never 
befell any Sovereign in the world ; and, therefore, I 
prophesy that the State will speedily resume her 
position, and even expand, in such wise that she will 
no longer have to fear any one, and this I trust to see 
very soon. 

The King has come hither, to a place of his called 
Baynard's Castle, and is going to Greenwich, where 
we are to have our private audience, and shall, more- 
over, visit the most serene Queen, I taking leave 
simultaneously, on my way back to France. 

Before leaving for Paris Pasqualigo and his colleagues 
were invited to a royal May Day frolic at Shooter's Hill, 
where the pageant of Robin Hood, always a favourite festival 
in those days of Merrie England, must have considerably 
astonished the Venetians, who wrote three separate accounts 
of the affair. The best picture of the entertainment is 
furnished by Giustinian's secretary, Nicolo Sagudino, 
who, as will be seen, was as keen a musician as Henry 
himself: 



344 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

NICOLO SAGUDINO TO ALVISE FOSCARI. 

["Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII."] 

[London, May 3, 1515.] 

. . .On the first day of May, his Majesty sent two 
English lords to the ambassadors, who were taken by 
them to a place called Greenwich, five miles hence, 
where the King was, for the purpose of celebrating 
May Day. On the ambassadors arriving there, they 
mounted on horseback, with many of the chief nobles 
of the kingdom, and accompanied the most Serene 
Queen into the country, to meet the King. Her 
Majesty was most excellently attired, and very richly, 
and with her were twenty-five damsels, mounted on 
white palfreys, with housings of the same fashion, 
most beautifully embroidered in gold, and these 
damsels had all dresses slashed with gold lama in 
very costly trim, with a number of footmen in most 
excellent order. The Queen went thus with her 
retinue a distance of two miles out of Greenwich, 
into a wood, where they found the King with his 
guard, all clad in a livery of green, with bows in 
their hands, and about a hundred noblemen on horse- 
back, all gorgeously arrayed. In this wood were 
certain bowers filled purposely with singing birds, 
which carolled most sweetly, and in one of these 
bastions or bowers, were some triumphal cars, on 
which were singers and musicians, who played on an 
organ and lute and flutes for a good while, during a 
banquet which was served in this place ; then pro- 
ceeding homewards, certain tall paste-board giants 
being placed on cars, and surrounded by his Majesty's 
guard, were conducted with the greatest order to 
Greenwich, the musicians singing the whole way, 
and sounding the trumpets and other instruments, so 
that, by my faith, it was an extremely fine triumph, 
and very pompous, and the King in person brought 
up the rear in as great state as possible, being followed 
by the Queen, with such a crowd on foot, as to exceed, 
I think, 25,000 persons. On arriving at Greenwich, 
his Majesty went to mass, after which the ambassadors 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 345 

had private audience, the details of which your mag- 
nificence will learn through . . . [The name is left 
blank in the original.] 

The King then went to dinner, and, by his Majesty's 
order, the ambassadors, and we likewise, dined in his 
palace, with the chief nobility of this land. After 
dinner the ambassadors were taken into certain 
chambers containing a number of organs and harpsi- 
chords and flutes, and other instruments, and where 
the prelates and chief nobles were assembled to see 
the joust which was then in preparation ; and in the 
meanwhile the ambassadors told some of these 
grandees that I was a proficient on some of these 
instruments ; so they asked me to play, and knowing 
that I could not refuse, I did so for a long while, both 
on the harpsichords and organs, and really bore 
myself bravely, and was listened to with great atten- 
tion. Among the listeners was a Brescian, to whom 
this King gives 300 ducats annually for playing the 
lute, and this man took up his instrument and played 
a few things with me ; and afterwards two musicians, 
who are also in his Majesty's service, played the 
organ, but very ill forsooth : they kept bad time, and 
their touch was feeble, neither was their execution 
good, so that my performance was deemed not much 
worse than theirs. The prelates who were present 
told me that the King would certainly choose to hear 
me, as his Majesty practises on these instruments 
day and night, and that he will very much like my 
playing. So I shall prepare, and hope not to dis- 
grace myself if called upon, and will give you notice 
of the result ; and pray send me some compositions 
of Zuane Maria's, as I vaunt him to every one for 
what he is, and thus they have requested me to 
send for some of his music, promising me some of 
theirs in return ; and I should also wish to receive 
a few new ballads. 

The preparations for the joust being at length 
accomplished, this most serene King made his 
appearance in very great pomp : on his side were 



346 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

ten of these noblemen on most capital horses, all 
with housings of one sort, namely, with cloth of gold 
with a raised pile, his Majesty's war horse being like- 
wise caparisoned in the same manner ; and in truth 
he looked like St. George in person on its back. 

The opposing party consisted of ten other noble- 
men, also in rich array, and very well mounted, so 
that really I never saw such a sight ; and then they 
began to joust, and continued this sport for three 
hours, to the constant sound of the trumpets and 
drums, the King excelling all the others, shivering 
many lances, and unhorsing one of his opponents ; 
so that the show was most beautiful, and I only 
regret not having time to describe it in full. I never 
should have expected to find such pomp ; and, on 
this occasion, his Majesty exerted himself to the 
utmost, for the sake of the ambassadors, and more 
particularly on account of Pasqualigo (who is return- 
ing to France to-day), that he may be able to tell 
King Francis what he has seen in England, and 
especially with regard to his Majesty's own prowess. 

The joust being ended, the ambassadors went to 
visit the Queen, whom Pasqualigo addressed in 
Spanish, in which tongue her Majesty, in like manner, 
replied. She is rather ugly than otherwise, and sup- 
posed to be pregnant ; but the damsels of her court 
are handsome, and make a sumptuous appearance. 

Catherine had now lost the bloom of her youth. She had 
only just entered her thirties, but her worries in the days of 
Henry VII., and fourteen years of the English climate, had 
left their marks. Four years later Giustinian described her 
as " not handsome, but has a very beautiful complexion," 
adding that she was " religious, and as virtuous as words 
can express." 1 The rumours of her pregnancy — repeated by 
Sagudino — a matter of the highest national interest, and 
always more or less in the air — were presumably a little 
premature in this case, for Princess Mary, the future queen 
of the sanguinary epithet, was not born until February 18 of 

1 "Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII.," Vol. II., p. 313. 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 347 

the following year. The contemporary English account of 
this May Day festival, furnished by Hall, gives the most 
pleasing picture of the happy relationship then existing 
between the King and Queen. As they rode a-maying, we 
are told, they were met by Robin Hood and his merry men, 
and invited to " enter the good greenwood, and see how out- 
laws lived." On this Henry, turning to Catherine, asked her 
" if she and her damsels would venture into a thicket with so 
many outlaws ? " To which Catherine answered that " where 
he went she was content to go." The King then handed her 
to a floral bower, where a breakfast of venison was prepared, 
and everything done to make the Queen delighted with her 
sylvan lodge. 

Pasqualigo's account of that astonishing day is more 
interesting for its amusing proofs of Henry's personal vanity, 
and of his ill-concealed jealousy of the young King of France. 
The incident is curiously akin to that droll interview between 
Henry's younger daughter, Great Elizabeth, and Sir James 
Melville, the ambassador of Mary Stuart, half a century later, 
when the virgin Queen as openly discussed the respective 
merits of her rival and herself. We have omitted from 
Pasqualigo's letter the introductory description of matters 
dealt with in the correspondence of his colleagues : 

PIERO PASQUALIGO TO . 



[" Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII."] 

[London, May 3, 15 15.] 

. . . We next met his Majesty the King on a bay 
Frieslander, which had been sent him as a present 
by the Marquis of Mantua ; he was dressed entirely 
in green velvet, cap, doublet, hose, shoes, and every- 
thing, and directly we came in sight, he commenced 
making his horse curvet, and performed such feats, 
that I fancied myself looking at Mars. He was 
accompanied by a number of noblemen, most capitally 
mounted, and richly clad, with all of whom we entered 
a wood, where a sort of labyrinth had been prepared 
beforehand with boughs, within which were some 
places surrounded by ditches, like bastions, destined 
for the company, according to their grade, and inside 



348 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

these bowers tables were laid, where we ate, and 
made what they call here, a proper good breakfast. 

His Majesty came into our arbour, and, addressing 
me in French, said : il Talk with me awhile ! The 
King of France, is he as tall as I am ? " I told him 
there was but little difference. He continued, u Is he 
as stout? " I said he was not ; and he then inquired, 
" What sort of legs has he?" I replied, " Spare." 
Whereupon he opened the front of his doublet, and 
placing his hand on his thigh, said, " Look here ! and 
I have also a good calf to my leg." He then told me 
that he was very fond of this King of France, and 
that for the sake of seeing him, he went over there in 
person, and that on more than three occasions he was 
very near him with his army, but that he never would 
allow himself to be seen, and always retreated, which 
his Majesty attributed to deference for King Louis, 
who did not choose an engagement to take place ; 
and he here commenced discussing in detail all the 
events of that war, and then took his departure. 

After this we mounted our horses, and marched in 
great state in pairs, with big drums, and to the sound 
of trumpets, returning thus to Greenwich, where we 
attended high mass with his Majesty, who changed 
his dress, covering his doublet with a handsome gown 
of green velvet, and wearing a collar of cut diamonds 
of immense value ; and then, having withdrawn into 
a sort of hall, he gave us our private audience, when 
I stated what was necessary, and obtained a reply so 
favourable for us in every respect, that we could not 
have wished for a better. He then, for the second 
time, gave us a dinner, which was served with 
incredible pomp ; and at our table there was an 
Archbishop, the Duke of Norfolk, the Treasurer, the 
Admiral, the Viceroy of Ireland, the Grand Prior of 
St. John's, and others, who all wore very superb 
chains. 

After dinner his Majesty and many others armed 
themselves cap-d-pie, and he chose us to see him joust, 
running upwards of thirty courses, in one of which 



THE SECRET MARRIAGE 349 

he capsized his opponent (who is the finest jouster in 
the whole kingdom), horse and all. He then took off 
his helmet, and came under the windows where we 
were, and talked and laughed with us to our very 
great honour, and to the surprise of all beholders. 
After this he went to disarm, and in the meanwhile 
we visited the Queen, and there, in public, I addressed 
her in good Spanish, which pleased her more than I 
can tell you ; and she commenced talking with me 
about Spanish affairs, and about her mother, making 
-me all possible civil speeches. 

Meanwhile the King returned, and after becoming 
thanks, I took leave of all of them to return to France, 
and we came back to London. 

To this may be added the joint testimony of the three 
ambassadors, not only confirming what has already been 
written concerning the King's personality and accomplish- 
ments, but bearing witness also to the high reputation which 
he evidently held at this period in the matter of his morals : 
" After dinner a stately joust took place, at which his Majesty 
jousted with many others, strenuously and valorously ; and 
assuredly, most serene Prince, from what we have seen of 
him, and in conformity, moreover, with the report made to 
us by others, this most serene King is not only very expert 
in arms, and of great valour, and most excellent in his personal 
endowments, but is likewise so gifted and adorned with mental 
accomplishments of every sort that we believe him to have few 
equals in the world. He speaks English, French, and Latin ; 
understands Italian well ; plays almost on every instrument; 
sings and composes fairly; is prudent and sage, and free 
from every vice." 1 

The only serious suggestion that Henry at this period was 
not all that he might have been is found in a letter from the 
Bishop of Worcester to Ammonius, sent from Rome three 
months before Mary's birth, in which he repeats a warning 
received from Wolsey to the effect that Baltasar Tuerdus, 
who had been sent to Rome by Francis's mother to beg the 
Pope's favour towards her son, "speaks disrespectfully of the 

1 " Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII.," Vol. I., p. 76. 



350 THE YOUTH OF HENRY VIII 

King, saying he is a youngling, cares for nothing but girls and 
hunting, and wastes his father's patrimony " ; 1 but too much 
importance need not be attached to charges coming from 
such a prejudiced source, especially when there is so little 
corroborative evidence. Outwardly, at least, the court of 
Henry VIII. in his youth was a model of purity, compared 
with those of some of his successors. Whatever his later 
faults may have been, he never tolerated such an open parade 
of vice as disgraced the court of Charles II. His standard 
of morality bears comparison with that of most of the ruling 
princes of his time. It was infinitely higher than that of his 
young rival of France, Francis I. 

So, for the time being, we may leave him, spoiled a little, 
perhaps*, by flattery, but, even when due allowance is made 
for exaggeration, a splendid figure of a man, immensely 
popular, and still full of hope that a son and heir would come 
to complete his happiness. When, in the following year, his 
daughter Mary was born, and the Venetian ambassador 
accompanied his belated congratulations with regrets upon 
her sex, his Majesty replied : " We are both young ; if it 
was a daughter this time, by the grace of God the sons will 
follow." 

1 Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. II., Part I., p. 292. 



INDEX 



Abbeville, 269, 285, 286, 287 

Airlie, Earl of, 224 

Albany, Alexander Stuart, Duke 
of, 256 — 7 

Albany, John Stuart, Duke of, 
endeavours to recover his 
duchy, 257 ; affairs of Scot- 
land discussed with, 295 ; 
Henry VIIT.'s attitude to- 
wards, 300 ; Margaret of 
Scotland's attitude towards, 
301 , efforts to prevent de- 
parture for Scotland, 312 

331 

Albert of Bavaria, Duke, no 

Alencon, Monseigneur d', 288 

Alexander VI., Pope, 50 

Almazan, Miguel Perez de, 114, 
138. Letter from, 124 

Ammonius, 349 

Angouleme, Count of, see Fran- 
cis I. 

Angus, Earl of, see Douglas 

Anne of Brittany, queen of 
Louis XI L, 309 

Argyll, Earl of, 224 

Armagh, Archbishop of, see Kite 

Armestorff, Paul, letter from, 
204 

Arran, Earl of, 216, 295 

Arthur, Prince of Wales, tragedy 
of, 1 ; residence on the 
Welsh border, 3 ; betrothal 
- to Catherine of Arragon, 
6 — 9 ; married by proxy, 7, 
10 ; introduced to bride- 
elect, 12 ; wedding cere- 
mony and festivities, 13 — 
15 ; departure for Wales, 
21 — 4 ; death at Ludlow 
Castle, 25. Letters from, 
8—9, 16 

Ascuetia, Juan de, 114 

Aste, Bishop of, letter to, 269 

Ayala, Don Pedro de, 62, 69, 72. 
Letter from, 16 

^.zcotia, Juan, 112 



Badoer, Andrea, 126, 248, 249, 
335» 337- Letters from, 
150, 272 

Bainbridge, Christopher, Arch- 
bishop of York, 152 note, 
220, 276 — 81 

Battle of the Spurs, 204, 206, 207 

Bavaria, Duke of, see Albert 

Bayard, Monsr. de, 205 and note 

Beaufort, Lady Margaret, Coun- 
tess of Richmond, 5, 126, 
128 

Bergenroth, Gustav A., 81, 102 

Blount, Elizabeth, 230 

Blount, William, Lord Mountjoy, 
3, 4, 5, 207. Letter from, 
126 

Boleyn, Anne, 284 

Boleyn, Mary, 230, 284 

Boleyn, Sir Thomas, 206 

Border warfare, 231 — 4 

Bothe, Sir Joseph, 213 

Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suf- 
folk, created Viscount Lisle, 
226 ; courts the Arch- 
duchess Margaret, 226 — 9 ; 
his parentage and marriages, 
229 ; loved by Mary Tudor, 
251 ; attends marriage by 
proxy of Mary Tudor and 
Louis XIL, 264 ; in France 
after her arrival, 290 — 9, 
291 — 2 ; secret plot with 
Louis XII. against Fer- 
dinand, 293 — 8, 305 — 6 ; 
distinguishes himself in 
Paris tournaments, 298 — 9 ; 
heads embassy to Fran- 
cis I., 311 — 12 ; his promise 
regarding Mary, 312 ; rival 
suitors for her hand, 317 ; 
reception by Francis I., 
317 — 18 ; secret marriage 
with Mary, 321 — 34 ; failure 
of his negotiations with 
Francis I., 326 — 7, 329, 
331 ; remarried semi-pri- 



352 



INDEX 



Brandon, Charles — (continued). 
vately with French king's 
permission, 331 — 2 ; recon- 
ciliation with Henry and 
public marriage in England, 
335. Letters from, 291 — 2, 
296, 318—19, 324, 333—4 

Brest, naval engagement off, 162 

Brewer, J. S., 303 

Brighton, burning of, 250 

Brown, Rawdon, 336 

Buckingham, Duke of, 139 — 40, 
266 

Bull, Sir Stephen, 186 

Bulmer, Sir William, 208, 211 

Burbank, William, secretary of 
Cardinal Bainbridge, 277 

Burgundy, Philip I., Duke of, 
see Philip 

Bussi, Mons. de, 205 



Caceres, Francisca de, 107, 115 

Calderon, 63 

Cambrai, Compact of, 100, 135 

Canterbury, Archbishop of, 121, 
137, 197, 215, 265 

Carew, Sir George, 180 note 

Caroz, Luis, 134, 137, 141 — 2, 
303. Letters from, T38, 303 

Cassel, Provost of, letter from, 
98, 99 

Castile, Charles of, see Charles, 
Prince, afterwards Charles V. 

Castile, Philip I., King of, see 
Philip 

Catherine of Arragon, betrothal 
to Prince Arthur, 6 — 9 ; 
married by proxy to him, 7, 
10 ; journey to England, 
10 ; introduced to bride- 
groom-elect, 12 ; wedding 
ceremony and festivities, 
13 — 15 ; the question of 
consummation, 14 — 15, 22, 
24 — 5, 28, 36 note, 47 — 8 ; 
reason for sending her to 
Wales, 19 — 24 ; widowed, 
25 ; negotiations and dis- 
putes over her dowry and 
betrothal to Prince Henry, 
26 — 120 ; rumoured pro- 
posal to marry her to 
Henry VII., 40 ; Queen 
Isabella's indignation, 40 
— 3 ; her counter proposal, 



46 ; Catherine's position at 
English Court, 48, 52 — 4, 
58, 62—3, 75—7, 84—7, 
116 — 17 ; ignorance of 
English language, 62 ; acts 
for Henry VII. in his pro- 
posal to marry Queen Juana, 
68 — 84, 90 — 8 ; her crafty 
diplomacy, 87 — 92, 90 — 8 ; 
troubles over her confessor, 
102 — 16 ; changed position 
with death of Henry VII., 
121 — 5 ; married to Henry 
VIII., 126 ; her account to 
Ferdinand, 131 — 4 ; de- 
fends her confessor, 132 — 3 ; 
appointed to act as Spanish 
Ambassador, 134 ; more 
trouble with her confessor, 
*37 — 9> 141 >' first matri- 
monial cloud, 139 — 41 ; 
" thanks God for such a 
husband," 141 ; birth and 
death of her son, 143 ; ac- 
companies Henry to Dover 
on French expedition, 197 ; 
appointed Queen-Governor 
in Henry's absence, 197 ; 
her anxiety on his account, 
198 — 9, 203 ; prepares for 
war with Scotland, 202 — 3 ; 
sends congratulations on 
Battle of the Spurs, 206 — 7 ; 
objects to custody of cap- 
tured Duke of Longueville, 
207 — 8 ; her share in Flod- 
den Field victory, 218 ; 
sends Henry fragment of 
James's blood-stained coat, 
218 — 20, 226 ; Henry's re- 
turn, 230 ; new hopes of an 
heir, 256, 266 ; attends 
blessing of Henry's new 
ship, 257 — 8 ; attends mar- 
riage by proxy of Mary 
Tudor, 264 — 7 ; accom- 
panies her to Dover, 283 — 4; 
hopes of an heir again dis- 
appointed, 302 ; first ru- 
mour of divorce, 302 — 3 ; 
Spanish Ambassador's con- 
plaint against her, 303 — 4 ; 
attends May-Day Festival, 
344 — 7 ; her fading youth, 
346 ; Spanish conversation 
with Venetian Ambassador, 



INDEX 



353 



Catherine of Arragon — {contd). 
349 ; birth of her daughter 
Mary, 350, Letters from, 
62 — 6, 71 — 6, 77 — 9, 79 — 
84, 8 5 —y, 88—92, 93—5, 
105 — 9, 115 — 16, 130 — 1, 
199, 203, 206, 207 — 8, 
219 — 20 

Charles, Prince, afterwards 
Charles V., proposed mar- 
riage with Mary Tudor, 91, 
92, 98; 106, 116, 117, 118, 
129, 243, 251, 264, 268 ; in- 
clusion in alliance suggested 
by Ferdinand of Arragon, 
136 ; the Holy League, 147 : 
hostility of the King of 
Arragon to, 193 ; negotia- 
tions with France, 239 ; pro- 
posed alliance with France 
and England, 270 ; contract 
between Charles and Mary 
Tudor, 271 — 4 ; treasurer 
of, 304 

Cheyne, Thomas, 188 

Cholmondeley, Sir Richard, 234 

Clarence, Duke of, 9 

Cochleius, Joannes, 64 

Colet, John, 6 

Compton, Sir William, 139 note 

Constable, Marmaduke, 211 

Conyers, William, 211, 223 

Cornewall, Richard, 188 

Count Palatine, 253 

Crawford, Earl of, 212, 224 

Cuer, Janina de, 133 

Cuero, Juan de, 16, 18, 107, 113 



Dacre, Sir Christopher, 232, 233 

Dacre, Philip, 231 

Dacre, Thomas, 211. Letter 

from, 231 
Dacre, Lord, 177, 300 
Dacres, Lord, 223 
Darcy, George, 211 
Darcy, Thomas, Lord, 143, 212 
Diero, Jean de, chamberlain of 

the Princess of Wales, 1 1 
Docwra, Sir Thomas, 267 
Dorset, Marquess of, 157, 291, 
298. 

Letter from, 299 
Douglas, Archibald, Earl of 

Angus, 295, 313 
Douglas, Gavin, 302 note, 315 

Y.H. 



Dudley, Edmund, 128 note 
Durham, Bishop of, 173, 198, 
202, 209, 213, 214, 267, 342 



Echyngham, Sir Edward, 181. 
Letter from, 185 

Edmund, Prince, son of Henry 
VII., 4 

Eleanor of Castile, proposed 
marriage, 98 

Eliot, Lieut.-Col. the Hon. F., 
213 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, 347 

Elizabeth, Queen, Consort of 
Henry VII., 15, 26, 40 

Eltham Palace, 3 

Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 57 

Empson, Sir Richard, 128 and 
note 

English domestic life in Henry 
VIII. 's reign, picture of, 
160—3 

English, Sir James, 314 

Erasmus visits royal nursery at 
Eltham, 3 — 5 ; on English 
scholarship at close of fif- 
teenth century, 6 ; writes 
to Prince Henry on death of 
Philip of. Castile, 64 — 5 ; 
Henry's reply, 66 — 7 ; hopes 
of advancement by Henry's 
accession, 126 — 8 ; on Flod- 
den Field and his own war- 
fare, 214 — 15. Letters from, 
6, 65, 214—15 

Errol, Earl of, see Hay 

Esquivel, Alonzo de, 119, 133 

Estrada, Fernando, Duke of, 26, 
27, 54. Letter from, 49 



Farrara, Duke of, 218 
Fastcastell, Lord of, see Home 
Favri, Nicolo di, letters from, 
160, 215, 247, 256, 257, 264 
Fecamp, Abbot of, 135 
Ferdinand II., negotiations with 
Henry VII. over marriage 
of Catherine and Prince of 
Wales, 7, 9 ; bids Catherine 
farewell, 10 ; instructions 
to Doctor Puebla, 10 — 12 ; 
letter from Prince of Wales, 
15 — 16 ; dispute over 
Catherine's dowry and be- 

A A 



354 



INDEX 



Ferdinand II. — (continued). 

longings, 16 — 23 ; letter 
from Henry VII., 24 — 5 ; 
negotiations and squabbles 
respecting Catherine's dowry 
and her betrothal to Prince 
Henry, 26 — 120 ; offers to 
assist England in recovering 
Guienne and Normandy, 34 
— 6 ; sends Papal Bull of 
dispensation for Catherine's 
second marriage, 50 — 1 ; 
death of Queen Isabella, 52 ; 
Ferdinand's neglect of 
Catherine, 54, 60, 62, 68 ; 
death of King of Castile, 64 ; 
Ferdinand marries Germaine 
de Foix, 67 ; negotiations 
for marriage of Henry VII. 
with the widowed Queen 
Juana, 68 — 71, 74 — 5, 78 
— 84, 90 — 8 ; Ferdinand's 
financial straits, 85 note ; 
belated relief for Catherine, 
84—5, 87; Henry VII. 's 
new move against Fer- 
dinand, 92 — 3, 99 ; Fer- 
dinand profits by League of 
Cambrai, 100 ; threatens 
war against England, 10 1 ; 
receives news of death of 
Henry VII., 121 ; instruc- 
tions to his ambassador in 
London, 122 — 3 ; advice to 
Henry VIII. and Catherine, 
122 — 5 ; letter from his new 
son-in-law, 130 — 1 ; Cathe- 
rine's account, 131 — 4 ; Fer- 
dinand's congiatulations on 
the wedding, 134 ; appoints 
Catherine his ambassador, 
134 ; warns Henry to be 
more circumspect in diplo- 
macy, 136 ; attacked by 
Louis XII., 143 ; concludes 
Holy League with Pope 
Julius II., 145 — 8 ; how it 
was brought about, 150 — 7, 
160 — 9 ; his use of Henry's 
army in Spain, 157 — 8 ; 
Henry aware of his treach- 
ery, 191 — 4 ; his truce with 
France, 195 — 7 ; Henry in- 
forms him of his approach- 
ing campaign, 197 ; agrees 
to continue war with Henry 



and Maximilian in follow- 
ing year, 230 ; again deserts 
him, 236 — 43 ; Henry's in- 
dignation, 244 ; counter- 
plot, 250 — 1 ; result of Fer- 
dinand's betrayal, 268 — 9, 
270, 294 — 8 ; advised " to 
put a bridle on this 
young colt," Henry VIII., 
304. Letters from, 10 — 12, 
34—6, 36—8, 47—9, 5°— x » 
54 — 6, 69 — 70, 95 — 8, 116 
— 20, 122, 123, 125, 134, 
135, 240, 242—3 

Fernandez, Diego, confessor to 
Catherine of Aragon, 74, 102 
—16, 126, 132—3, 137— 
41, 303 — 4, 303 note 

Fernando of Castile, Don, pro- 
posed marriage of, 238 

Ferrers, Lord, 186, 188 

Fisher, Robert, 5, 6 

Fitzroy, Henry, Duke of Rich- 
mond, 230 

Fleming, Lord, 300, 314 

Flodden Field, 208 — 26, 234, 

295» 300 

Foix, Comte de, 80, 84, 90 

Foix, Germaine de, 67 

Fortileza, Katherine, 179 

Fox, Bishop, 143, 144 

Francis I., proposed marriage of 
Henry VII. with daughter 
of, 5 j ; at marriage of 
Louis XII. , 288 ; at the 
Paris Tournament, 298 ; 
suggested marriage with the 
Queen Dowager, 309 ; ac- 
cession, 311 ; messengers 
from England hindered by, 
316; coronation of, 317; 
attitude towards the Queen 
Dowager, 321, 322, 326, 332, 
333 ; Italian expedition, 335 
— 6 ; standard of morality 
compared with Henry VIII., 

35° 
Fuensalida, Guitier Gomez de, 
72 note, 100, 101, 102, 115 
—20, 124, 125, 133, 134. 
Letter to, 122. Letters 
from, 102, 105 — 10, 114, 123 



Gairdner, Dr., 23, 54, 81 note, 
102 



INDEX 



355 



Galloway, Bishop of, 175 
Garneys, Sir Christopher, am- 
bassador to Louis XII., 284 
Gascoigne, W., 211 
Gelders, Duke of, 94, 143 
Geraldine, Alexander, 22, 24 
Gilford, Sir Charles, 180 
Gifford, Sir Henry, 180 
Gigli, Silvestro, Bishop of Wor- 
cester, 277 — 80 
Giustinian, Sebastian, 335, 336, 

34 2 
Gradenigo, Francesco, 160 
Great Elizabeth, The, ship, 284 
Griffith, W., 211 

Grimaldo, Francisco de, 107, 113 
Grocin, William, 6 
Guienne, 34, 36, 37, 145, 149, 157 
Guildford, Lady, 289, 290, 292 



Hall, Edward, 197, 204 
Haro, Commander de, 98 
Hay, William, 5 th Earl of Errol, 

212, 224 
Henry VII., Perkin Warbeck 
conspiracy and birth of 
Henry VIII. , 1 — 2 ; policy 
of his reign, 2 ; negotiations 
with Ferdinand II. over 
marriage of Catherine and 
Prince of Wales, 7 — 11 ; 
first meeting with Catherine, 
12 ; at wedding festivities, 
15 ; dispute over dowry, 
16 — 18 ; reasons for sending 
Catherine to Wales, 19 — 24 ; 
death of Prince of Wales, 
25 — 6 ; squabbles over 
Catherine's dowry and her 
betrothal to Prince Henry, 
26 — 120 ; Ferdinand offers 
to assist him to recover 
Guienne and Normandy, 34 
— 6 ; death of Queen Eliza- 
beth, 40 ; rumoured pro- 
posal to marry his widowed 
daughter-in-law, 40 ; Queen 
Isabella's indignation, 40, 
41 — 3 ; her counter pro- 
posal, 46 ; pays Catherine 
£300 for household expenses, 
48 ; harsh treatment of her, 
52—4, 58, 62—3, 75—7, 
84 — 7, 116 — 17; marriage 
treaty with the Archduchess 



Margaret, 61, 75, 78, 91, 
no ; proposal to marry the 
widowed Queen Juana of 
Castile, 64, 68 — 71, 74 — 5, 
78 — 84, 90 — 8 ; tardy offers 
of help to Catherine, 88 ; 
mysterious scheme with 
Maximilian, 99 — 100 ; Fer- 
dinand threatens war, 101 ; 
Henry VII. "in last stage 
of consumption," 101 ; atti- 
tude towards Catherine's 
confessor, 103 — 5, in — 12, 
115 ; development of the 
king's illness, no ; death, 
120; last words to Henry 
VIII. , 121, 129 ; Catherine 
and his death, 124 ; his 
legacy to Henry VIII., 125 
— 6 ; personal appearance, 
126. Letter from, 24 — 5 
Henry VIII., birth, 1 ; created 
Duke of York, 2 ; childhood 
and education, 2 — 6 ; Eras- 
mus's introduction, 3 — 6 ; 
first meeting with Catherine 
of Arragon, 13 ; his share 
in her marriage with Prince 
Arthur, 13 — 15 ; the ques- 
tion of consummation, 14 — 
15 ; progress of negotiations 
to marry him to Catherine 
after Prince Arthur's death, 
26 — 46 ; created Prince of 
Wales, 36 ; betrothal, 46 ; 
at Court with Henry VII., 
49 — 50 ; Ferdinand's pro- 
mise to pay balance of 
dowry, 55 ; Henry's secret 
denunciation of betrothal, 
56 ; rumours of another 
match, 5 j ; invested with 
the Order of the Golden 
Fleece, 61 ; writes to Philip 
of Castile on behalf of " the 
Princess my Wife," 61 ; 
renews acquaintance with 
Erasmus, 64 ; Erasmus's 
and Henry's literary gifts, 
64 — 5 ; Henry writes to 
Erasmus, 66 — 7 ; other ma- 
trimonial offers to Henry, 
70 ; Catherine prevented 
from seeing him, 75 ; mar- 
riage treaty discredited, 76 
— 7 ; negotiations continued 

A A 2 



356 



INDEX 



Henry VIII. — {continued). 

by Catherine, yj — 95 ; Fer- 
dinand's further promises, 
95 — 8 ; fresh matrimonial 
proposals for Henry, 98 — 

100 ; Puebla's praise, 98 ; 
Ferdinand grows desperate, 

101 ; his message to his 
future son-in-law, 10 1 ; 
Henry receives the ambassa- 
dors during his father's ill- 
ness, no; Catherine's con- 
fessor retained against his 
will, 115 ; Ferdinand and 
the delayed marriage, 116 — 
20 ; death of Henry VII., 

120 ; new king willing to 
marry Catherine, 121 ; War- 
ham's conscientious doubts, 

121 ; Ferdinand's advice, 
122 — 3 , the greatest matri- 
monial prize in Christen- 
dom, 125 — 6 ; chorus of 
praise, 126 — 7, 163, 216, 
235, 240, 342—3, 347, 349 ; 
marries Catherine, 126 ; in- 
forms the Archduchess Mar- 
garet and Ferdinand, 128 — 
31 ; Ferdinand's congratu- 
lations, 134 ; Henry's con- 
tempt for the French, 135 ; 
promises to defend Venice, 
135 — 6 ; warned by Fer- 
dinand to be more circum- 
spect, 136 ; renews treaty 
of peace with Louis XII., 
J 36 — 7 ; receives Golden 
Rose from Pope, 137 ; first 
matrimonial cloud, 137 — 
41 ; his love of sport and 
jousting, 141 — 2 ; birth and 
death of his son, 143 ; sends 
expeditions to help Fer- 
dinand and Maximilian, 143; 
joins Holy League against 
France, 145 — 8 ; call to 
arms, 148 — 9 ; his eagerness 
for the war, 150 ; how it was 
brought about, 150 — 7 ; in- 
glorious end of English ex- 
pedition to Spain, 157 — 8 ; 
preparations for fresh cam- 
paign, 159 ; his war tax and 
fresh call to arms, 162 — 4 ; 
strained relations with 
James IV., 166, 170 — 8 ; 



beginning of the war with 
France, 167 — 9, 194 — 5 ; an. 
noyance at death of Sir 
Edward Howard, 189 — 91 ; 
betrayed by Ferdinand, 191 
— 4 ; James IV. recom- 
mends him to peace, 195 
— 7 ; journey to France, 197 
— 8 ; joined by Maximilian, 
198 ; anxiety of Catherine 
on Henry's account, 198 — 9; 
answers ultimatum of James 
IV., 200 — 2 ; at Battle of 
the Spurs, 204 — 6 ; com- 
ments on death of James IV. 
at Flodden Field, 208, 
231 ; James's proclamation 
against him, 209 — 10 ; 
Franco-Scottish fleet to cut 
off his return, 216 — 18 ; his 
victories in France, 218, 
220 ; Catherine sends him 
fragment of James IV. 's 
coat from Flodden Field, 
2 1 8 — 2 0,226; his treat men t 
of James's remains, 220 ; 
progress of French cam- 
paign, 221; his share in 
courtship between Suffolk 
and the Archduchess Mar- 
garet, 226 — 9 ; skill in tour- 
naments at Tournay, 229 ; 
returns to England, 230 ; 
declines Pope's advice to 
make peace, 231 ; letter 
from the Scottish border, 
231 — 4 ; thanks Sir Richard 
Cholmondeley, 234 — 5 ; de- 
serted by Ferdinand and 
Maximilian, 236 — 43 ; at- 
tacked by measles, 243 ; 
enraged by Allies' deceit, 
244 — 7, 251 — 3 ; offered 
Imperial crown by Maximi- 
lian, 246 — 7 ; Leo X. sends 
him sword and cap of main- 
tenance, 247 ; solemn in- 
vestiture, 247 — 50 ; Henry 
repays his betrayers in their 
own coin, 250 — 1, 268 — 9 ; 
negotiates marriage of Mary 
Tudor with Louis XII., 251, 
261 — 3 eagerness for inter- 
national influence, 256 ; ap- 
pealed to by Queen Mar- 
garet, 257 ; his new great 



INDEX 



357 



Henry VIII. — (continued). 

ship, 257 ; his horses, 257 
— 61 ; attends marriage by- 
proxy of Mary Tudor, 264 
— 7 ; announces new al- 
liance to Leo X., 269 — 72 ; 
reception of Maximilian's 
protest, 272 — 3 ; replies to 
Margaret of Savoy's re- 
proach, 273 — 4 ; informed 
by Pace of poisoning of 
Cardinal Bainbridge, 277 — 
80 ; accompanies Mary to 
Dover, 282 — 4 ; letters from 
Mary in France, 289 — 90 ; 
from Duke of Suffolk, 291 
— 2 ; from Earl of Wor- 
cester, 292 — 3 ; plots with 
Louis XII. against Fer- 
dinand, 294 — 8 ; claims title 
of Protector of Scotland, 
300 ; Queen Margaret's ap- 
peal to, 300 — 2 ; his hopes 
of an heir again dis- 
appointed, 302 ; first ru- 
mour of divorce, 302 — 3 ; 
Ferdinand advised to " put 
a bridle on this colt," 304 ; 
last letter from Louis 
XII., 305 — 6 ; death of 
Louis XII., 307 ; Mary re- 
minds Henry of his " water- 
side promise," 310 — 11 ; 
his embassy to Francis I., 
312 — 13 ;. affairs in Scot- 
land, 313 — 15 ; Mary's pro- 
mise to him, 315 — 16 ; her 
stolen love match with Suf- 
folk, 321 — 34 ; peace with 
France proclaimed, 332, 337; 
reconciliation with Mary and 
Suffolk, 335 ; celebrates St. 
George's Day at Richmond, 
337, 340 ; receives Venetian 
ambassadors, 338 — 43 ; at 
May Day festival, 343 — 9 ; 
his vanity, 348 ; moral re- 
putation, 349 — 50 ; birth of 
his daughter Mary, 346, 350 : 
Letters from, 61, 66 — 7, 128, 
130— 1, 145—8, 148—9, 163 
—4, 166—72, 177—8, 197 
— 8, 200 — 2, 234 — 5, 244 — 7, 
259 — 60, 261 — 3, 269 — 72, 
312—13 



Hepburn, John, prior of Saint 
Andrew's, 301, 302 note 

Herbert, Lord, 2, 197 

Herries, Lord, 224 

Holibrand, William, 88 

Holy League, 145, 166, 173 

Home, Alexander, Lord (Lord 
Chamberlain), 224, 232 

Home, Cuthbert, Lord of Fast- 
castell, 216 

Howard, Lord Edmund, 224 

Howard, Sir Edward, 146 note, 
178, 181, 183 — 91 

Howard, Thomas, I., 1st Earl of 
Surrey and 2nd Duke of 
Norfolk, influence of, 145 ; 
commanded to return North, 
197 ; appointed to the com- 
mand of the North, 202 ; in 
the war with Scotland, 212, 
219, 223 ; created Duke of 
Norfolk, 234 ; escorts Mary 
Tudor to France, 284 ; at 
the May-Day Festival, 348. 
Letter from, 210 — 11 

Howard, Thomas, II., 2nd Earl 
of Surrey and 3rd Duke of 
Norfolk, attempt to avenge 
his brother's death, 197, 
202 ; in the war with 
Scotland, 210, 211, 212, 213 ; 
letter to Catherine of 
Aragon, 219 ; message to 
James IV., 223 ; at Flodden, 
224 ; created Earl of Surrey, 
234 ; at St. Paul's, 248. 
Letters from, 189, 190 

Hume, Martin, 102 

Huntly, Earl of, 212, 224, 314 



Infidels, expedition against, 

272 
Ireland, situation in, 256 
Isabella, Queen of Castile, nego- 
tiations with Henry VII. 
over marriage of Catherine 
and Prince of Wales, 7, 

9 ; bids Catherine farewell, 

10 ; instructions to Doctor 
Puebla, 10 — 12 ; letter from 
Prince of Wales, 15 — 16 ; 
letter from Dr. Ayala 
detailing dispute over 
Catherine's dowry, etc., 
16 — 23 ; letter from Llenry 



358 



INDEX 



Isabella — (continued). 

VII., 24 — 5 ; new marriage 
negotiations after Prince 
Arthur's death, 26 — 51 ; 
rumoured proposal to marry 
Catherine to Henry VII., 
40 — 3 ; her counter pro- 
posal, 46 ; receives Papal 
dispensation for Catherine's 
marriage to Prince Henry, 
50 ; death, 52 ; her treat- 
ment of Catherine, 54 ; 
character, 203. Letters 
from, 10 — 12, 29 — 34, 36 — 
8, 39 — 40, 40 — 6 

James III. of Scotland, 257 

James IV. of Scotland, marriage 
of, 3 ; mission to, 143 ; plan 
to invade England, 166 ; 
opposition to the Holy 
League, 170 — 2 ; negotia- 
tions with France, 173 — 8 ; 
treachery of, 195 ; letter to 
Henry VIII., 199 ; reply 
from Henry VIII. , 200 ; 
death of, 208 ; proclama- 
tion of war, 209 ; marches to 
Flodden, 210 ; letter to, 
from the Earl of Surrey, 
210 — 12 ; at Flodden, 213, 
214, 215, 216, 218, 223 — 5, 
295 ; burial of, 219, 220 ; 
Letter from, 195 

James V. of Scotland, guardian- 
ship of, 295 

Joan of Arragon, Queen, 255 

Johannes, Dr., 77 

Juana, Queen of Castile, becomes 
Queen of Castile, 52 ; visit 
to England, 60, 61 ; Henry 
VII. 's proposal to marry 
her, 64, 68 — 84, 90 — 8 ; 
renounces claim on the 
dowry of Catherine of Arra- 
gon, 118 

J uana, Queen of Naples, 46 

Julius II., Pope, 50, 100, 137, 
145, 166 and note, 170. 
Letter from, 137 

Karr, David, 232 

Kite, John, Archbishop of 

Armagh, letters to Wolsey, 

256 



Knight, William, letter to, 197 

Letter from, 191 
Knyvet, Sir Thomas, 162 note 



Lang, Andrew, 213 

Latimer, Richard, 211, 223 

Leo X., Pope 166, and note, 170, 
269, 280. Letter from, 230 

Lille, 221, 228, 230, 271 

Lisle, Viscount, see Brandon, 
Charles 

Lomley, J., 211 

London, plague in, 235 

Longueville, Duke of, 205, 207 ; 
captured at the Battle of 
Spurs, 218, 250, 258, 261 
— 3 ; negotiates the peace 
with England, 264 ; at 
marriage by proxy of Mary 
Tudor, 265, 266, 267, 269 ; 
letter from Wolsey to, 276 ; 
sent for by the Duke of 
Suffolk, 297 

Lopez, Thos., letter from, 57 

Louis XII. of France, rival 
advances for matrimonial 
alliance with England, 27 — 
8 ; marching to Milan, 27 — 
8, 34 — 5 ; proposes French 
match for Queen Juana of 
Castile, 80, 84 ; opinions on 
Catherine's marriage pros- 
pects, 89 — 90, 96, 98 — 100 ; 
at conference at Cambrai, 
100 ; his share of Venetian 
spoils, 135 ; sends unwel- 
come message to Henry 
VIII. , 135 ; rumours of 
French intentions against 
England, 136 ; attacks Fer- 
dinand II., 143 ; Holy 
League against France, 
145 — 8 ; Proclamation of 
Louis XII., 149 ; alliance 
of Maximilian and Henry 
against, 164 — 6; James IV. 
sides with him, 166 ; begin- 
ning of the war, 167 — 72 ; 
the fate of Lord Admiral 
Howard, 184 ; Ferdinand's 
truce with Louis XII., 
191 — 4, 195 — 7 ; James 
IV. 's ultimatum to Henry 
on his behalf, 200 — 2 ; and 
proclamation, 209 — 10 ; 



INDEX 



359 



Louis XII. — (continued). 

Louis collects Franco-Scot- 
tish fleet, 216 — 17 ; its fate, 
218 ; called the " Schismatic 
King," 223 ; his help to 
Scotland, 225 ; secret agree- 
ment with Ferdinand and 
Maximilian, 237 — 43 ; nego- 
tiations for his marriage 
with Mary Tudor, 250, 
261 — 3 ; encourages Duke of 
Albany in Scottish schemes, 
257, 296 — 7 ; letters from 
Mary Tudor, 263 — 4, 276 ; 
married by proxy, 264 — 7, 
271, 274 ; Henry's letter to 
Pope on new alliance, 269 
— 72 ; Maximilian protests 
against the marriage, 272 — 
3 ; Louis begs for his bride, 
274 — 6 ; meets her at Abbe- 
ville, 285 ; wedding festivi- 
ties, 288 — 99; dismisses Lady 
Guildford, 289 — 93 ; secret 
negotiations with England, 
293 — 8 ; last letter to Henry 
VIII., 305 — 6 ; death, 307 ; 
married life with Mary, 308, 
329 ; his presents to her, 
311, 333 ; his lost Duchy of 
Milan, 317. Letters from, 
274—6, 305—6 

Louise of Savoy, 332 

Lovel, Lord, 225 

Lovell, Sir Thomas, 197 

Ludlow, Castle, 25 

Luther, Martin, 64 



Manchester, Duke of, 24 
Manrique, Pero, 12, 55 
Mantua, Marquis of, 257, 258, 

259, 347 

Manuel, Dona Elvira, lady-in- 
waiting to Catherine of 
Arragon, 14, 17, 19, 20, 21, 
22, 27, 29, 52, 53, 55, 58, 60 

Manuel, Juan, 304 

Margaret of Austria, Duchess of 
Savoy, declines to marry 
Henry VII., 61 ; marriage 
scheme renewed, 71, 75, 
78, 91, no ; English 
and French matrimonial 
schemes, 98 — 100 ; fresh 
proposal for Prince Henry, 



no; betrothal of Prince 
Charles and Mary Tudor, 
118, 129, 251, 253 ; Henry 
VIII. 's account of his wed- 
ding, 128 — 9 ; her criticism 
of English troops, 158 ; 
Maximilian informs her of 
his alliance with England, 
164 — 6 ; letter from Terou- 
anne, 204 ; visit from Henry 
VIII. , 220 — 1 ; courted by 
Charles Brandon, after- 
wards Duke of Suffolk, 
226 — 9, 240, 274 ; endea- 
vours to keep Maximilian 
true to England, 237 — 42 ; 
Henry's indignant letter, 
244 — 7 ; letter from Gerard 
de Pleine, 251 — 3 ; re- 
proaches Henry for Mary's 
marriage to Louis, 273 ; 
Henry's retort, 273 — 4. 
Letters from, 237 — 40, 241 
— 2 

Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scot- 
land, childhood of, 3 — 4 ; 
dances at Prince of Wales's 
wedding, 15 ; wife of James 
IV., 166 ; interview with 
Sir Nicholas West, 175 — 6 ; 
demands Henry's help 
against Duke of Albany, 
257 ; her position, 295, 
313 — 15. Letters from, 300 
—2, 313—14 

Marigny, Lord of, 275 

Mary I., Queen of England, 346, 

35° 

Mary Rose, The, 180 

Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry 
VII., childhood of, 3 ; betro- 
thed to Prince Charles of 
Castile and Flanders, 92, 98, 
101 — 2, 106, 116, 118, 129, 
193, 229—30, 243—4, 251, 
253, 264 — 5, 270 ; with 
Catherine, in — 12 ; in love 
with Charles Brandon, Duke 
of Suffolk, 229 ; betrothed 
to Louis XII., 251, 261 — 3 ; 
her character and beauty, 
254 — 5 ; attends blessing of 
Henry's new ship, 257 ; 
repudiates betrothal with 
Prince Charles, 263 ; writes 
to Louis XII., 263 — 4, 276 ; 



360 



INDEX 



Mary Tudor — (continued). 

married to him by proxy, 
264 — 9, 271, 274 ; marriage 
protested against by Maxi- 
milian, 272 — 3 ; queen of 
France, 282 — 99, 305 — 6 ; 
widowed, 307 — 12 ; pro- 
mises not to marry again 
without Henry's consent, 
315 — 16 ; rival suitors for 
her hand, 317 ; secret mar- 
riage with Suffolk, 321 — 34 ; 
remarried semi-privately, 
331 — 2 ; reconciliation with 
Henry and public marriage 
in England, 335. Letters 
from, 263 — 4, 276, 289 — 90, 
299, 3°9 — 10, 310— 11, 315 
—16, 321—3, 327—8, 329 

—3i 

Maximilian I., reported matri- 
monial offer to Henry VII., 
10 ; alliance with Henry 
VII., 92 ; Henry's proposal 
to unite against Ferdinand, 
99 — 100 ; at conference at 
Cambrai, 100 ; matrimonial 
offers to Henry VII., no; 
mentioned in betrothal of 
Prince Charles and Mary 
Tudor, 118, 129, 230, 243 
— 4, 253, 255, 268 — 9 ; urged 
by Henry VIII. to join Holy 
League, 145 — 8 ; bought by 
English crowns, 164 ; urges 
haste in invasion of France, 
194 — 5 ; joins Henry before 
Terouanne, 198 ; at Battle 
of the Spurs, 204 — 5 ; his 
share in campaign, 221, 226, 
229 — 30 ; binds himself to 
continue war in following 
year, 230 ; persuaded by 
Ferdinand to desert Henry, 
236 — 44 ; Henry's retort, 
244 — 7 ; Maximilian's in- 
tention to be canonized, 247 
note ; results of betrayal, 
250 — 6, 268 — 9 ; protests 
against Mary's marriage to 
Louis, 272 — 3 ; his Venetian 
possessions, 335 — 6. Letters 
from, 164 — 6, 194 — 5 

Maxwell, Lord, 224 

May Day frolic at Shooter's Hill, 
343 



Melville, Sir James, 347 

Membrilla, Knight Commander 
of, see Fuensalida, Gomez de 

Milan, Duchy of, 295, 317 

Milan, Duke of, 270 

" Mirror of Naples, The," dia- 
mond, 332, 333, 341 note 

Modena, Renaldo de, 276 — 80 

Molin, Dom Hieronimo da, 337 

Molyneux, William, 211 

Morales, Treasurer, 119 

More, Sir Thomas, 4 

Motte, Charles le Tocque de la, 
i74> 225 

Mounteagle, Edward Stanley, 
Lord, 282 

Mount joy, Lord, see Blount, 
William 

Murray, Bishop of, 170, 171, 196 



Navarre, 145, 157, 191, 193, 

294 ; king of, 201 
Navy Records Society, 149 
Nichols, F. Morgan, 4 note, 65, 

66 
Norfolk, Dukes of, see Thomas 

Howard, I., and Thomas 

Howard, II. 
Norham, castle of, 202, 208, 213, 

223 
Normandy, 34, 36, 37 



Ogle, R., 211 

Orio, Lorenzo, LL.D., 154 

Owen, Sir David, 163 



Pace, Richard, 220, 277. Letter 
from, 278 

Pageant of Robin Hood, 343 

Paris, Johan de, 275 

Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, 250. Let- 
ter from, 282 

Pasqualigo, Piero, 336, 343, 346. 
Letters from, 340, 347 

Percye, W., 211 

Peter Martyr, 218, 236, 244, 303 

Philip I., Duke of Burgundy, 
King of Castile, interview 
with Henry VII. at Calais, 
10 ; becomes King of Cas- 
tile, 52 ; daughter of, $j ; 
visit to England, 60, 61 ; 
death of, 64, 68 ; hostility 



INDEX 



361 



Philip I. — (continued). 

to Ferdinand, 69 ; supposed 
cruelty to his wife, 93 ; 
Juana's refusal to have him 
buried, 97 ; visit to Spain, 

193 
Philip of Austria, 128 
Pius III., Pope, 50 
Plague in London, 235 
Pleine, Gerard de, letter from, 

25 1 

Pole, Edmund de la, 128 and 
note 

Pole, Lady Margaret de la, see 
Suffolk, Lady 

Portugal, Emmanuel, King of, 
see Emmanuel 

Poynings, Sir Edward, 2, 143, 
158, 256 

Pr6gent (Primaugent), Admiral, 
162 note, 170, 181, 187, 250. 
Letter from, 181 

Puebla, Dr. de, shares in nego- 
tiations over marriage of 
Catherine and Prince Arthur, 
9 — 12, 17 — 23 ; his charac- 
ter, 38 ; in dowry dispute 
and new proposals for mar- 
riage with Prince Henry, 29, 

36—8, 39—4°* 5°— 6 > 57— 
60, 69, 75 — 7, 85- — 92 ; his 
report that Henry VII. 
wished to marry Catherine, 
40 — 1, 43 ; in marriage 
scheme between Henry VII. 
and Juana of Castile, 70 — 1, 
95 — 8, 100 — 1, 106. Letters 
from, 9, 52 — 3 

Quintana, Don Pedro de, 237, 
238, 240, 242 

Raffaelle, 166 

Ratcliff, Sir John, 232 

Ratto, Giovanni, 259. Letter 

from, 257 
Ravenna, 146, 171 
Reine Blanche, La, see Mary 

Tudor, Queen Consort of 

France 
Remus, Cardinal, 166 
Renee, Madame, daughter of the 

King of France, proposed 

marriage of, 238 
Richmond, Duke of, see Fitzroy 

Y.H. 



Richmond, Lady Margaret 

Beaufort, Countess of, see 

Beaufort 
Robertet, Florimond, 181, 297 
Robin Hood, Pageant of, 343 
Rojas, F. de, 47 
Romans, King of the, see 

Maximilian I. 
Rouville, Louis de, 216, 217 
Ruthall, Thos., see Durham, 

Bishop of 

Sagudino, Nicolo, 343. Letter 

from, 344 
Sala, Maestra, 112 
Salinas, Dona Maria de, 304 
Savoy, Louise of, see Louise 
Scrope, Henry, 211 
Scrope, Ralph, 211 
Seymour, Sir John, 206 
Seymour, Sir Thomas, 206 
Sherborne, Sir Henry, 186, 189 
Shooter's Hill, Frolic at, 343 
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 197 
Sidnay, William, 186, 189 
Sinclair, Sir John, 175 
Skelton, John, 5 

Somerset, Sir Charles, afterwards 
Lord Herbert, and Earl of 
Worcester, 57 and note, 267, 
274, 284. Letters from, 284, 
292 
Spinelly, Thomas, 237 
Stanley, Sir Edward, 224 
Stanley, Edward, Lord Mount- 
eagle, 282 
Stanley, E., 211 
Stile, John, 116, 244 
Strang wayes, Thorn., 211 
Stuart, Alexander (son of 

Margaret of Scotland), 295 
Stuart, Alexander, Duke of 

Albany, see Albany 
Stuart, John, Duke of Albany, 

see Albany 
Stuart, Mary, 347 
Suffolk, Earl of, 60 
Suffolk, Lady (Margaret de la 

Pole), death of, 320 — 1 
Surrey, Earls of, see Thomas 
Howard, I., and Thomas 
Howard, II. 

Taylor, Dr., 342 

Taylor, John, 198, 220, 229 

B B 



362 



INDEX 



Terouanne, siege of, 197, 198, 

203, 204, 205, 209, 218, 221, 

226, 229, 258 
Tocque, Charles le, see Motte, 

de la 
Tournay, 218, 220, 221, 222, 225, 

226, 228, 230, 245, 307, 327 
Tudor, Catherine, 40 
Tuerdus, Baltasar, 349 
Tuke, Sir Brian, 213, 220. Letter 

from, 220 
Tunstall, Dr., 248 

Valois, Duke of, see Francis I. 
Venice, 100, 126, 135, 136, 150, 

343 
Vergil, Polydore, 158 
Vernon, Sir Henry, 148 
Villaragut, Luis Caroz de, see 

Caroz 

Wallop, Sir John, 186, 188, 250 
Warbeck, Perkin, conspiracy of, 

1 — 2, 9 
Warham, Lord Chancellor, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 121, 

137. *97» 215 

Warwick, Earl of, 9 

West, Dr. Nicholas, 172, 297, 
313, 316, 332 ; letter from 
Henry VIII., 177. Letters 
from, 172, 332 

Williamson, Adam, 301, 314, 315 

Winchester, Bishop of, 198 

Wingfield, Sir Richard, 273, 313, 
3i6 

Wingfield, Robert, 145 

Wolsey, Thomas, succeeds 
Robert Fisher as Canon of 
Windsor 6 note ; his rise in 
the royal service, 143 ; in- 
forms Fox of Henry's war- 
like tendencies, 144 ; his 
genius for organisation, 145, 
157, 159 — 60 ; letters from 
Sir Edward Howard on 
victualling of ships for 
French expedition, 178 — 80; 



letter from Echyngham on 
death of Sir Edward Howard, 
185 — 9 ; letter from Lord 
Thomas Howard on King's 
rebuke, 189 — 91 ; accom- 
panies Henry in French 
campaign, 198 ; letters from 
Catherine to him, 199, 206, 
207 — 8 ; news of Battle of 
Flodden, 213 — 14 ; discusses 
marriage treaty between 
Mary Tudor and Prince 
Charles, 254 ; bent of his 
genius, 256 ; Irish warnings, 
256 ; share in marriage 
negotiations with Louis XII. 
261 — 3 ; attends marriage 
by proxy of Mary Tudor, 
267 ; letter from Louis XII., 
274 — 6 ; informed of Car- 
dinal Bainbridge's assas- 
sination, 280 ; schemes for 
the vacancy, 281 ; accom- 
panies Mary to Dover, 272 ; 
letters from Earl of Wor- 
cester, 284 — 5 ; Queen Mary 
290 ; secret plot with Louis 
against Ferdinand, 293 — 8, 
305 — 6 ; dangers arising 
from death of Louis XII., 
307 ; Wolsey rebukes his 
Vicar-General, 307 — 8 ; con- 
doles with Mary, 308 ; letter 
from her, 309 — 10 ; from 
Duke of Suffolk, 318—19; 
Wolsey 's reply, 319 — 21 ; 
his conduct in Mary and 
Suffolk's stolen love-match, 

324—7, 33i, 333, 334—5- 
Letters from, 144, 281, 306 
—7, 308, 319—21, 325—7 
Worcester, Bishop of, 277—80, 

349 
Worcester, Earl of, see Somerset 



York, Archbishop of, see Bain- 
bridge 
York, Duke of, see Henry VIII. 



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